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Observers also saw an increasing need to assist newly elected black officials. The Joint Center was established to determine where blacks were being elected to office, to help them organize into cau- cuses and more informal information-sharing networks, and to provide them with technical assistance and other forms of research support. By the early s, the Joint Center had evolved into a major research organization specializing in issues concerning black Americans. While political research remains its major strength, it has recently expanded its coverage of economic and military policy.

It operates by forming OBV units at the city and county level; these units are coalitions of NAACP and Urban League chapters, local black civic groups, churches, and fraternities and sororities that are devoted solely to spurring black voter. The VEP had emerged as the result of negotiations between the Kennedy administration and the Taconic Foundation in , when federal officials were seeking to channel black activism away from sit-ins, boycotts, and other Taconic took the lead in assembling a consortium of foundations to fund the project.

VEP was extremely success- ful in its early years, accounting for the bulk of the massive increase in black registration in the South from to For blacks, the social, cultural, and psychological processes that activated and maintained these movements reinforced collective and personal identities-"black" instead of"Negro" or "colored," black pride in addi- tion to equality of rights or integration.

Older techniques of avoidance, insulation, diversion, and individual adaptations were increasingly rejected in favor of direct social mobilization and political action Simpson and Yinger, Ch. To some extent the changes in social and institutional structure described in this chapter have altered individual concepts of identity and group cohesion. As some blacks participated more fully in a desegregated society, what happened to their black identity' Black identity has never been a monolithic concept among the black population, but some systematic evidence suggests that variation in concepts of self-identity among blacks is related somewhat to socioeconomic status.

These significant and widespread changes in social and institutional structure are described in this chapter as we discuss individ- ual concepts of black identity and group cohesion. These tensions are clearly visible in the development of black cultural and artistic life during the period from to For example, the dramatic shifts of concern and emphasis within the Afro-American literary tradition since may be seen by com- paring two diametrically opposed definitions of black American literature.

The first, published in by Sterling A. Brown, Arthur P. The Negro writes in the forms evolved in English and American literature. As such, it envisions an arc that speaks directly to the needs and aspirations of Black Arnenca. In order to perform this task, the Black Arts Movement proposes a radical reordering of the western cultural aesthetic. It proposes a separate symbolism, mythology, antique, and iconology. Between and , conceptions of what constitutes Afro-American literature have undergone major changes among black writers and critics.

Today, the works of black authors are frequently viewed as part of a literary tradition with its own rules, history, themes, and structures. Black writers were not alone in their efforts to exert an independent cultural voice in the nation. During the s, there was an overall accep- tance, within certain areas of the art world, of "Negro art.

As an example of the former, in , the white art critic James Lane held that black artists used color with more resonance than did white artists. The black artist, he said, was apt to use wilder, more exotic colors that were also purer, deeper, and more unconven- tional. In contrast, black artists such as Hale Woodruff, Richmond Barthe, Ro- mare Bearden, and others emphasized universal aesthetic issues and dismissed racial ones.

They argued that the works of black artists should be viewed as part of art in general and not racially distinct. In the immediate postwar years, a circle of black artists, including Woodruff, Barthe, Bearden, and lames Herring, issued a manifesto enunciating the importance of viewing works by black artists through race-blind rather than race-conscious prisms. Although the Nation's approach was not central in black American society, it became an important symbol of distinctively black cultural developments in the late s. The Nation of Islam had its origins among black Americans in Detroit curing the s.

In , Muslim mosques were establishedin Milwaukee and Washington, D. In , Elijah Muhammed, the head of the Nation, organized a mosque in Chicago. From that time the Chicago Muslim com- munity expanded. By , the organization had grown to 50 temples in 22 states and the District of Columbia. All of the temples were in cities; only 7 were in the South.

The urban, and mostly nonsouthern, character of the Nation of Islam is important for understanding its social and cultural significance. Unlike the accelerating civil rights movement, the Nation was located in precisely the urban areas to which so many black people had moved during and after World War II. The Nation's message was best received by the urban poor of the black ghettoes, those who were most vulnerable to economic cycles and chronic unemployment and underemployment. The Nation appealed most to and drew from blacks who were cut off from, or dissatisfied with, existing black organizations, those who were alienated from any sense of participation in mainstream society-in short, those people who were least likely to benefit from an increase in black participation in the wider society.

It is within this context that the emphasis on black consciousness and the establishment of a separate autonomous black society was developed. The objectives of the Nation of Islam were quite different from those of the civil rights movement. Although the flag of the Nation proclaimed freedom, equality, and justice, these ideal goals were to be attained through establish- ment of an independent black nation within the United States.

The Nation of Islam did not advocate increased black participation in the wider society, and it did not strive for a breaking down of barriers to that society. Its followers saw such efforts as diversions from the real necessity of community control, power, and autonomy. The United States would consist of many peoples, as it always had, but black people would control their own com- munities.

Economic self-sufficiency and internal community power were viewed as necessary to racial advancement. From this perspective, the strug- gle to desegregate buses, other public accommodations, and white schools was unimportant. Linked to the emphasis on autonomy was a focus on internal problems and solutions for black America. While the civil rights organizations ad- dressed structural barriers of racism, the Nation of Islam emphasized the problems of ghetto life, crime, drugs, loss of family, and social alienation. To overcome these problems, the Nation offered strategies for the inner development of black communities under the umbrella of Islam.

The Nation To the extent that black institutions were studied at all, they were seen as declining in significance rather than as serving important political functions. The small number of social scientists of the period before who paid much attention to Afro-American traditions of racial separatism and nationalism generally saw them as apolit- ical or at least marginal to the dominant currents of black politics see C.

Eric Lincoln, ; John A. Thus, it was hardly surprising that social scientists who observed the upsurge in black protest activity in the s often interpreted it as an outgrowth of the process of assimilation rather than as a sign of increasing racial conciousness see Ruth Searles and I. Carson's commentary represents an important criticism that many black Americans direct toward mainstream white American perspectives on black America.

In addition to the currents of emphasis on black cultural uniqueness and separateness, there is evidence that most blacks do not advocate separatism in their everyday lives. These various observations exemplify the famous, and still relevant, characterization of the duality or "double-consciousness" contained in black American culture W. The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife,-this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self He would not Africanize America, for America He would not bleach his Negro soul in a flood of white Amencanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for the world.

He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an Amencan, without being cursed and spit upon. DuBois' conception of two-ness and of the conditions required for integrat- ing blacks and whites in the United States represents an early and influential formulation of black pluralism.

Recognition of Afro-American cultural dual- ity is essential to the study of black Americans and black-white relations. As Carson points out, much research on black Americans has been con- cerned primarily with black-white relations and the mainstream half of Afro- American duality. It is also true that black nationalist thought has often been seen as an extremist and marginal element among black values, equating black nationalism with the extreme separatism and deprecation of whites found in some religious sects.

The intensity of these convictions varies among individuals and for given individuals over time. Thus, cultural nation- alism's popular strength depends on such factors as economic conditions and perceptions of changes in the degree of discrimination against blacks. The importance of double consciousness and self-identity in the practical lives of black Americans may be illustrated by identity tensions created for many blacks who successfully seek the American dream. The pursuit of better housing and schools, higher incomes, and more prestigious occupa- tions leads many blacks into unfamiliar environments and life-styles.

We moved to this all-white suburban community. It was upper middle class Jewish and Italian, mainly. We were the only blacks around. A few people were friendly, but it wasn't Baltimore. One white woman, a At school, the students were very cold. It took a long time for me to make friends, but I managed it and graduated fi om the high school; it was a good school. My dad seemed not to mind so much being the only blacks there, but my mom really resented it.

My parents didn't socialize or have a dinner party for two years. My mom began to meet black people on the commuter train, and so things got better. We used to get so excited when we saw another black person. It was lonely. My sister seemed to do all right. She had many white Fiends, and she goes to the bar mitzvahs and parties. Now my dad has been transferred back to Baltimore. My mom is happy. My sister misses her Fiends, and in Baltimore most of her friends are white. Empirical validation of many of these points is somewhat problematical in view of a lack of direct data. However, it is possible to develop measures of black cultural pride and identity from survey data that are closely related to those topics.

We must caution, however, that the survey data available do not fully reflect the depth and complexity of the views expressed in black literature, oratory, political commentary, or in ordinary discourse in the black community. Studies of each group provide important and systematic data on the meanings blacks attach to race and race relations in the United States. In addition to drawing on this body of research, we have conducted secondary analyses of two national sample surveys of blacks.

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What do black people call themselves and what sorts of traits, qualities, and accomplishments do they believe to be attributes of group members? The labels used to designate black Americans have changed considerably over the past several decades, with popular usage of terms such as "colored" and "Negro" having all but vanished. Table 44 displays the responses of two national samples of blacks to questions on the group name they prefer. Depending on how the ques- tion is worded, these data show that between 52 and 72 percent of black Americans prefer the label "black.

If "Yes" What are the most important things you've done or tokl them? What word do you use? The questions are sufficiently different that these results should not be treated as indicating change over time. The labels themselves tell little about what people believe to be the traits and qualities that characterize group members. The NSBA ap- proached this issue in several ways.

One was an open-ended question con- cerning "the things about black people that make you feel the most proud. Very few black people responded by saying "nothing" or that there were no distinctive qualities about which blacks should be proud 3 percent. The bulk of responses fall into three categories: those concerned with the socioeconomic and scholastic achieve- ments of group members 28 percent ; those concerned with the degree of group pride and mutual support shown by blacks 24 percent ; and com- ments concerning the general qualities of endurance, striving, and ultimate group progress 22 percent.

How do black parents socialize their children with regard to race' Sixty- three percent of blacks who have had children reported that they had spoken with their children about "what it is to be black. An interesting development in the late s has been an announced preference for the label African-American by a number of prominent blacks. This illustrates the dynamic nature of black identity. Twenty-three percent of black parents indicated that they stressed the need to excel and work hard to survive, and another 26 percent indicated that they emphasized racial pride and black heritage to their children; only 9 percent emphasized the need to cope with racism and prejudice, although this issue may underlie many of the more frequently offered responses.

Several analysts of riot-related attitudes in the s were struck by evidences of positive group identity among blacks. This finding appeared to some analysts as an "unexpected" and important discovery because it contradicted theories of reactions to prejudice that pre- dicted a low and deprecatory self-image for minority group members. This finding was important for at least two other reasons.

First, it showed positive evidence that group identity coexisted with support for integration and intergroup harmony and with skepticism toward militant separatism.

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In many ways, the data tell a similar story about feelings of group bonds and separatism among blacks. Among the symbolic ways of expressing positive group bonds, 56 percent of blacks agreed with the statement that "black children should study an African language," and 20 percent agreed that "black parents should give their children African names. The questions about behavior asked whether "blacks should always vote for black candidates when they run" 39 percent agreed and whether "black people should shop at black-owned stores whenever possible" 63 percent agreedj.

Thus, between 3 and 4 of 10 blacks approved of group exclusivity in dating relationships. A small percentage of blacks strongly disagreed with either statement 7 percent for the question on black women and 8 percent for the question on black men. These results, when viewed in the light of stable and nearly unanimous black support for school integration and no race-based restrictions on housing choice as well as a majority preference for integrated neighborhoods see Chapter 3 , suggest that many blacks view integration in neighborhoods and public institutions as compatible with a continued sense of group affiliation and identity.

An index composed of the dating questions and one composed of the remaining four symbolic and behavioral questions are modestly correlated, indicating that those blacks who oppose interracial dating are also more likely to favor other ways of affirming the group boundary. Still, the relatively low correla- tions of the indices indicate that many blacks who support various symbolic ways of expressing group ties do so while not endorsing racially exclusive dating.

Older blacks are more likely than younger blacks to oppose interracial dating and to support the several symbolic ways of affirming group bounda- ries. Better educated blacks and those with higher family incomes are less likely than other blacks to oppose interracial dating and the other group symbolic acts. These data have implications for debates about the extent to which blacks have been effectively assimilated into an American cultural "melting pot" and about the effects of increasing class stratification within the black com- munity. In particular, the age and education effects suggest some younger and better educated blacks do not feel as strong a sense of group boundaries as do older and less well educated blacks.

Whether these differences reflect important cohort differences that might involve substantial change within the black population, or differences more properly attributed to aging per se, is not clear. Overall, these findings suggest two main implications. First, most black Americans experience and attach importance to a group cultural identity.

How racism has shaped welfare policy in America since 1935

Second, an interwoven set of qualities-such as group cohesion, striving, and endurance-and a perceived need to continue to instill such qualities in future generations appear to be key elements of this cultural identity. To the extent that these orientations treat race as an important social characteristic, involve a sense of obligation to blacks, and indicate a commitment to overcoming group disadvantages, these patterns of cultural identity indicate a high degree of race consciousness among black Americans.

Billingsley, Andrew Building strong faculties in black colleges. The Journal of Ne,gro Education Blackwell, James E. Bracey, John H. Rudwick Black Workers and Organized Indoor. Broder, David S. Washington, D. Department of Commerce. Govern- ment Printing Office. Boston: G. Childs, John Brown, ed. Coleman, M. The Washington Post, June 20, A2. Collins, Sheila D. New York: Monthly Review Press. Cross, R. Astin Factors affecting black students persistence in college. In Gale Thomas, ea. Westport, Conn. Drake, St. Clair The social and economic status of the Negro in the United States.

Clark, eds. Boston: Beacon Press. New York: Harcourt Brace. DuBois, William E. Reprinted in Three Negro Classics. New York: Avon Books. Egerton, J. Nashville, Tenn. Ellison, Ralph Shadow and Act. New York: Random House. Farmer, James Freedom-When? Frazier, E. Franklin The Negro Church in America. New York: Schocken Books. Gates, Henry Louis, Jr. Griswold, C. The Washington Post, March 15, A Haines, Herbert H.

Hall, H. Hanks, Lawrence J. Harris, Abram Lincoln The Negro as capitalist. Reprinted College Park, Md. Hill, Susan T. Department of Education. Huggins, Nathan Irwin Harlem Renaissance. New York: Oxford University Press. Hyman, Herbert H. New York: Macmillan. Jackson, James S. Jacquet, Constant H.

Johnson, Charles S. Jones, Edward W. Harvard B? Lincoln, C. Eric The Black Muslims in America. New York: Albert and Charles Boni. New York: Arno Press. London: MacMillan Press. Social Policy. Sue Jewell. The Decade of Demystification. Survival of the African American family: the institutional impact of U. Bureau U. As Duncan Campbell Scott stated at the time, they didn't want students that were "made too smart for the Indian villages": [] "To this end the curriculum in residential schools has been simplified and the practical instruction given is such as may be immediately of use to the pupil when he returns to the reserve after leaving school.

The funding the government provided was generally insufficient and often the schools ran themselves as "self-sufficient businesses", where 'student workers' were removed from class to do the laundry, heat the building or perform farm work. Dormitories were often poorly heated and overcrowded, and the food was less than adequately nutritious. The author of that report to the BNA , Dr. Bryce , was later removed and in published a pamphlet [] that came close to calling the governments indifference to the conditions of the Indians in the schools 'manslaughter'.

The worst aspect of Canada's residential schools, and that which anthropologists Steckley and Cummins said "might readily qualify as the single-worst thing that Europeans did to Natives in Canada" was the endemic abuses; [] emotional, physical and sexual, for which they are now known. Punishments were often brutal and cruel, sometimes even life-threatening or life-ending. Pins were sometimes stuck in children's tongues for speaking their Native languages, sick children were made to eat their vomit, and semi-formal inspections of children's genitalia were carried out.

Most residential schools closed in the s.

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Criminal and civil suits against the government and the churches began in the late s and shortly thereafter the last residential school closed. By the number of lawsuits had passed 10, In the s, beginning with the United Church, the churches that ran the residential schools began to issue formal apologies. The money was used to launch the Aboriginal Healing Foundation. In the 19th and 20th century, the Canadian federal government's Indian Affairs Department officially encouraged the growth of the Indian residential school system as an agent in a wider policy of assimilating Native Canadians into European-Canadian society.

This policy was enforced with the support of various Christian churches, who ran many of the schools. There has long been controversy about the conditions experienced by students in the residential schools. While day schools for First Nations, Metis, and Inuit children always far outnumbered residential schools, a new consensus emerged in the early 21st century that the latter schools did significant harm to Aboriginal children who attended them by removing them from their families, depriving them of their ancestral languages, undergoing forced sterilization for some students, and by exposing many of them to physical leading to sexual abuse by staff members, and other students, and dis-enfranchising them forcibly.

Starting in the s, the government started a number of initiatives to address the effects of the Indian residential school. In the fall of , the Alternative Dispute Resolution process was launched, which was a process outside of court providing compensation and psychological support for former students of residential schools who were physically or sexually abused or were in situations of wrongful confinement. On June 11, , Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued a formal apology on behalf of the sitting Cabinet and in front of an audience of Aboriginal delegates.

A Truth and Reconciliation Commission ran from through to in order to document past wrongdoing in the hope of resolving conflict left over from the past. French political thinker Alexis de Tocqueville —59 supported colonization in general, and in particular the colonization of Algeria. In several speeches on France's foreign affairs, and in two official reports presented to the National Assembly in March on behalf of an ad hoc commission, he also repeatedly commented on and analysed the issue in his voluminous correspondence.

His opinions are also instructive about the early years of the French conquest and how the colonial state was first set up and organized. De Tocqueville emerged as an early advocate of "total domination" in Algeria and subsequent "devastation of the country". The Dey of Algiers had insulted the monarchy by slapping the French ambassador with a fly whisk and the French used this pretext to invade, and also put an end to piracy in the vicinity.

The unofficial objective was to restore the prestige of the French crown and gain a foothold in North Africa, thereby preventing the British gaining advantage over France in the Mediterranean. The July Monarchy , which came to power in , inherited this burden. The next 9 years saw the indigenous population subjected to the might of the French army. By more conservative elements gained control of the government and they dispatched General Thomas Bugeaud, the newly appointed governor of the colony, to Algeria , marking the real start of the country's conquest. The methods employed were atrocious.

The army deported villagers en masse; massacred the men and raped women; took the children hostage, stole livestock and harvests and destroyed orchards. De Tocqueville wrote, "I believe the laws of war entitle us to ravage the country and that we must do this, either by destroying crops at harvest time, or all the time by making rapid incursions, known as raids, the aim of which is to carry off men and flocks.

As I see it, these are unfortunate necessities that any people wishing to make war on the Arabs must accept. Once the conquest of Algiers was accomplished soldier-politician Bertrand Clauzel and others formed a company to acquire agricultural land and, despite official discouragement, to subsidize its settlement by European farmers, which triggered a land rush.

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He became governor general in and used his office to make private investments in land, encouraging bureaucrats and army officers in his administration to do the same. This development created a vested interest among government officials in greater French involvement in Algeria. Merchants with influence in the government also saw profit in land speculation which resulted in expanding the French occupation.

Large agricultural tracts were carved out, factories and businesses began exploiting cheap local labor and also to benefit from laws and edicts that gave control to the French. The policy of limited occupation was formally abandoned in for one of complete control. By , De Tocqueville intended to protect and extend expropriation by the rule of law.

He therefore advocated setting up special courts, based on what he called "summary" procedure, to carry out massive expropriation for the benefit of French and other European settlers who would thus be able to purchase land at an attractive price and live in villages that the colonial government had equipped with fortifications, churches, schools and even fountains. His belief, which framed his writings and influenced state actions, was that the local people, who had been driven out by the army and robbed of their land by the judges, would gradually die out.

The French colonial state, as he conceived it and as it took shape in Algeria, was a two-tiered organization, quite unlike the regime in mainland France. It introduced two different political and legal systems which, in the last analysis, were based on racial, cultural and religious distinctions. According to De Tocqueville, the system that should apply to the colonizers would enable them alone to hold property and travel freely, but would deprive them of any form of political freedom, which should be suspended in Algeria.

Following the defeats of the Muslim army in the s colonization continued apace. By , Algeria was populated by , Europeans, only 42, of which were French. The colonials imposed more and higher taxes on Muslims than on Europeans. And colons controlled how these revenues would be spent. As a result, colon towns had handsome municipal buildings, paved streets lined with trees, fountains and statues, while Algerian villages and rural areas benefited little if at all from tax revenues. The colonial regime proved severely detrimental to overall education for Algerian Muslims, who had previously relied on religious schools to learn reading, writing, and engage in religious studies.

Not only did the state appropriate the habus lands the religious foundations that constituted the main source of income for religious institutions, including schools in , but colon officials refused to allocate enough money to maintain schools and mosques properly and to provide for enough teachers and religious leaders for the growing population. In , more than five times as much was spent for the education of Europeans as for Muslims, who had five times as many children of school age. Because few Muslim teachers were trained, Muslim schools were largely staffed by French teachers.

Even a state-operated madrasah often had French faculty members. Attempts to institute bilingual , bicultural schools, intended to bring Muslim and European children together in the classroom, were a conspicuous failure, rejected by both communities and phased out after As late as only one Muslim boy in five and one girl in sixteen was receiving formal schooling. The curriculum was entirely French and allowed no place for Arabic studies, which were deliberately downgraded even in Muslim schools. Following its conquest of Ottoman controlled Algeria in , for well over a century France maintained colonial rule in the territory which has been described as "quasi-apartheid".

Frederick Cooper writes that Muslim Algerians "were still marginalized in their own territory, notably the separate voter roles of "French" civil status and of "Muslim" civil status, to keep their hands on power. There was clearly nothing exceptional about the crimes committed by the French army and state in Algeria in On the contrary, they were part of history repeating itself.

Replying to the question "Isn't it excessive to talk about a state racism under the Third Republic? The Indigenous Code is a monument of this genre! Considered by contemporary prestigious jurists as a "juridical monstruosity", this code [] planned special offenses and penalties for "Arabs".

It was then extended to other territories of the empire. On one hand, a state of rule of law for a minority of French and Europeans located in the colonies. On the other hand, a permanent state of exception for the "indigenous" people. This situation lasted until During a reform effort in , the French created a bicameral legislature with one house for the French citizens and another for the Muslims but made a European's vote equal seven times a Muslim's vote. The Malaysian Chinese and Indian-Malaysians — who are significant [ clarification needed ] ethnic minorities in Malaysia — were granted citizenship by the Malaysian Constitution but this implied a social contract that left them at a disadvantage and discriminated in other ways, as Article of the Constitution of Malaysia refers to the special "position" and "privileges" of the Muslim Malay people as supposed initial dwellers of the land.

In the Malaysian New Economic Policy a program of affirmative action aimed at increasing the share of the economy held by the Malay population, introduced quotas for Malays in areas such as public education, access to housing, vehicle imports, government contracts and share ownership. Initially meant as a measure to curb the poor economic participation of the Malays, aimed to reduce the number of hardcore poor Malays, it is now post perceived by most conservative Malays as a form of entitlement or 'birthright'.

Since Article defines a Malay as "professing the religion of Islam", those eligible to benefit from laws assisting bumiputra are, in theory, subject to religious law enforced by the parallel Syariah Court system. When Captain James Cook arrived it is estimated that the indigenous peoples' pre population was , On Cook's arrival, he was under orders not to plant the British flag and defer to any native population, which he and following captains promptly ignored and did on landing. Indigenous Australians is an inclusive term used when referring to both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders.

Institutional racism had its early roots here due to interactions between these islanders who had Melanesian origins and depended on the sea for sustenance whose land rights were abrogated; and later the Australian Aboriginal peoples whose children were removed from their families by Australian Federal and State government agencies and church missions, under acts of their respective parliaments. An example of the abandonment of mixed race children in the s is given in a report by Walter Baldwin Spencer that many mixed-descent children born during construction of The Ghan railway were abandoned at early ages with no one to provide for them.

This incident and others spurred the need for state action to provide for and protect such children. They have both been rescinded and restitution for past wrongs addressed at the highest levels of government. All of the Stolen Generations can refer to those acts that canonized the treatment of the "darkies" on the continent, but gloss over the true history of the Aborigines and treatment by the colonial powers, which has come to be termed as " Cultural Genocide ".

The child removal legislation resulted in widespread removal of children from their parents and exercise of sundry guardianship powers by Aboriginal protectors over Aborigines up to the age of 16 or Policemen or other agents of the state such as "Aboriginal Protection Officers" were given the power to locate and transfer babies and children of mixed descent from their mothers or families or communities into institutions. In , the Chief Protector of Aborigines in South Australia, William Garnet South, reportedly "lobbied for the power to remove Aboriginal children without a court hearing because the courts sometimes refused to accept that the children were neglected or destitute".

South argued that "all children of mixed descent should be treated as neglected". His lobbying reportedly played a part in the enactment of the Aborigines Act ; this made him the legal guardian of every Aboriginal child in South Australia, including so-called "half-castes". Bringing Them Home , [] a report on the status of the mixed race stated " In reality, during this period removal of the half-castes was related to the fact that most were offspring of domestics working on pastoral farms, [] whom by removing them allowed the mothers to continue working as help on the farm and removing the white landowners from responsibility for fathering them; and from social stigma for having such mixed race children visible in the home.

That it was policy and kept secret for over 60 years is a mystery that no agency has solved to date. In the s, the Northern Territory Protector of Natives, Cecil Cook , perceived the continuing rise in numbers of "half-caste" children as a problem. His proposed solution was: "Generally by the fifth and invariably by the sixth generation, all native characteristics of the Australian Aborigine are eradicated.

The problem of our half-castes will quickly be eliminated by the complete disappearance of the black race, and the swift submergence of their progeny in the white. Neville , wrote in an article for The West Australian in "Eliminate in future the full-blood and the white and one common blend will remain. Eliminate the full blood and permit the white admixture and eventually, the race will become white. Official policy then concentrated on removing all blacks from the population, [] to the extent that the full-blooded Aboriginal people were hunted to extinguish them from society, [] and those of mixed race would be assimilated with the white race so that in a few generations they too would become white.

Western Australia and Queensland specifically excluded Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from the electoral rolls. In a land rights conference was held at James Cook University , where Eddie Mabo , [] a Torres Strait Islander, made a speech to the audience in which he explained the land inheritance system on Murray Island. Public interest in the Mabo case had the side effect of throwing the media spotlight on all issues related to Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in Australia, and most notably the Stolen Generations.

The social impacts of forced removal have been measured and found to be quite severe. Although the stated aim of the "resocialization" program was to improve the integration of Aboriginal people into modern society, a study conducted in Melbourne and cited in the official report found that there was no tangible improvement in the social position of "removed" Aboriginal people as compared to "non-removed", particularly in the areas of employment and post-secondary education.

Most notably, the study indicated that removed Aboriginal people were actually less likely to have completed a secondary education, three times as likely to have acquired a police record and were twice as likely to use illicit drugs. In his address to the houses of parliament apologising for the treatment of the Indigenous population, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a plea to the health services regarding the disparate treatment in health services. He noted the widening gap between the treatment of indigenous and non-indigenous Australians and committed the government to "closing the gap", admitting to past institutional racism in health services that shortened the life expectancy of the Aboriginal people.

Committees that followed up on this outlined broad categories to redress the inequities in life expectancy, educational opportunities and employment. Indigenous Australians visit their general practitioners GPs and are hospitalised for diabetes, circulatory disease, musculoskeletal conditions, respiratory and kidney disease, mental, ear and eye problems and behavioural problems yet are less likely than non-indigenous Australians to visit the GP, use a private doctor or apply for residence in an old age facility.

Childhood mortality rates, the gap in education achievement levels and lack of employment opportunities were made goals that in a generation should halve the gap. A national "Close the Gap" day was announced for March of each year. Much of the health woes of the indigenous can be traced to the availability of transport. Although English is the official language of Australia, many indigenous Australians do not speak it as a primary language and the lack of printed materials that are translated into the Aboriginal languages and the non-availability of translators form a barrier to adequate health care for the Aborigines.

By , most of the funding promised to achieve the goals of "closing the gap" had been cut and the national group [] monitoring the conditions of the indigenous population is not optimistic that the promises of will be kept. Immediately after independence the Sinhalese dominated government of Ceylon introduced the Ceylon Citizenship Act of which deliberately discriminated against the Indian Tamil ethnic minority by making it virtually impossible for them to obtain citizenship of Ceylon.

The Act was a deliberate attempt to correct the perceived disproportionately high number of Sri Lankan Tamils working in the Ceylon Civil Service and other public services. The Universities Act introduced a policy of standardization to correct disproportionately high number of Sri Lankan Tamils students entering universities.

Officially the policy was meant to discriminate in favour of students from rural areas but in reality the policy discriminated against Sri Lankan Tamil students who were in effect required gain more marks than Sinhalese students to gain admission to universities. The policy was abandoned in Other forms of official discrimination against the Sri Lankan Tamils included the state-sponsored colonisation of traditional Tamil areas by Sinhalese peasants , the banning of the import of Tamil-language media and the precedence given by the Constitution of Sri Lanka to Buddhism , the main religion followed by the Sinhalese.

The Sri Lankan Tamils reacted to the discrimination by calling for political devolution federalism and staging peaceful protests but were met with violence and ethnic riots. The United Nations Human Rights Council has urged the Sri Lankan government "to combat discrimination against persons belonging to ethnic minorities".

In the United Kingdom , the inquiry about the murder of the black Briton Stephen Lawrence concluded that the investigating police force was institutionally racist. Sir William Macpherson used the term as a description of "the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin", which "can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes, and behaviour, which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness, and racist stereotyping, which disadvantages minority ethnic people".

Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton were black power activists and first used the term 'institutional racism' to describe the consequences of a societal structure that was stratified into a racial hierarchy that resulted in layers of discrimination and inequality for minority ethnic people in housing, income, employment, education and health Garner The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report , and the public's response to it, were among the major factors that forced the Metropolitan Police to address its treatment of ethnic minorities.

More recently, the former Metropolitan Police Commissioner , Sir Ian Blair said that the British news media are institutionally racist, [] a comment that offended journalists, provoking angry responses from the media, despite the National Black Police Association welcoming Blair's assessment. The report also found that the Metropolitan Police was institutionally racist. A total of 70 recommendations for reform were made. These proposals included abolishing the double jeopardy rule and criminalising racist statements made in private.

Macpherson also called for reform in the British Civil Service, local governments, the National Health Service, schools, and the judicial system, to address issues of institutional racism. While problems with the treatment of minorities in criminal investigations were found institutional, another aspect of criminal conviction crossed the line, affecting both white and black convicts.

For 7 years, the courts in the U. By , the use of IPP sentence guidelines were curtailed, however, three years after the sentences were abolished, more than three fourths of the 4, IPP prisoners still jailed in the system have passed the minimum sentence term set by the court. Although they were designed for the most dangerous offenders, IPP sentences were given out for relatively minor crimes including affray fighting in public , minor criminal damage worth less than 20 pounds, and shoplifting. They were ended in after the European Court of Human Rights ruled that all prisoners had the right to know how long they were being held for.

UK courts stopped handing out the sentences, but the ban did nothing to impact those already serving an IPP. In a kafkaesque turn, many cannot be released as they cannot complete the courses required as a condition of release due to them not being offered, and paperwork to conclude parole hearings is not prepared before the hearings, only after the hearing is concluded due to lack of paperwork.

The situation has been exacerbated by budget cutbacks to prisons, probation, and the Parole Board, resulting in IPP prisoners becoming trapped in the system. A senior high court judge describes those still incarcerated under IPP sentencing as 'the disappeared'. Billig concluded that "racialist presuppositions" intruded into research at the Institute both unintentionally and intentionally. In South Africa, during Apartheid , institutional racism has been a powerful means of excluding from resources and power any person not categorized or marked as white.

Those marked as black were further discriminated against differentially, with Africans facing more extreme forms of exclusion and exploitation than those marked as coloured or Indian. Africans, who formed the majority of the population, were relegated to barren rural reserves, which later became homelands. More modern forms of institutional racism in South Africa are centered around interracial relationships. Opposition to interracial intimate relationships may be indicative of underlying racism, and that conversely acceptance and support of these relationships may be indicative of a stance against racism.

Consequently, discourse is a framework that realizes language can produce institutional structures and relations. However, language constitute who we are, interact with others and understand ourselves. So discourse is viewed as inextricable link to power and necessarily more than a medium utilized to transmit information. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Main articles: Race and health in the United States and Environmental racism.

Further information: Race and crime in the United States. Main article: Anti-Drug Abuse Act of Main article: Juvenile court. See also: Judicial misconduct. Main article: Bisbee Deportation. Main article: Porvenir massacre Main article: Palmer Raids. Main article: Mexican Repatriation. Main article: Canadian Indian residential school system. Main article: Pacification of Algeria. Further information: Bumiputera Malaysia. Main article: Origins of the Sri Lankan civil war. See also: Race and crime in the United Kingdom.

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