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German to English translator specializing in poetry and literature from late 's to 's.

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So in the past decade since the financial crash, the debate around the EU has had two phases: first the immigration phase, second the Brexit negotiations phase. Infact, migration is probably not in the top ten most important issues when it comes to the major challenges we face in the 21st century. Advocates argue that these rules prevent politicians from doing favours for their buddies in the private sector, thus discriminating against other companies, whether they be at home or abroad. Land can be bought up not to use productively, but simply to prevent competitors getting hold of it.

Furthermore, if we look at the economy through the lens of climate change, the idea that the state should not intervene strategically to control and direct key aspects of production and investment is positively deranged. Looked at in that way, it is a major problem that state aid rules essentially forbid a Green New Deal, which is all about the state intervening selectively in the economy to overhaul infrastructure, make housing and transport energy efficient and so forth.

Lauren Dingsdale, a prospective Labour candidate in Middlesbrough and former lawyer specialising in European Competition Law, has argued on Twitter that this is exactly what the Tories are up to in the case of British Steel, with Business Secretary Greg Clark repeatedly referring to EU state aid rules to down-play his power over the future of the company. Many other EU countries intervene in their own economies to a far greater extent than Britain does but do not always fall foul of state aid rules, finding a way around them.

Stefan Mesch's Blog, page 9

The company is still on the verge of closure if no new contracts can be found. On the one hand, stood US with its simulacre of ideology that could best be explained as utilitarianism-cum-pragmatism hardly something that would move you , defended by people in boring suits, wearing funny glasses, and living in suburban homes. On the other had there was a crumbling edifice of state socialism that has not produced a single new idea since , defended by dreary bureaucrats in fedora hats wearing light grey socks and shoes.

Only the Third World offered some hope, novelty or excitement. We know that these things ended mostly badly; but they did not look like in the late s or early s. This stalemate between two decrepit ideologies ended with the victory of liberal capitalism. And that ushered the most ideologically deadening period of all. Like in Soviet regimes, all contradictions were supposedly solved; once for ever.

There were no new questions, and answers to all previous questions were provided. The whole world was just hurrying to become another Denmark where nothing of interest would ever happen. But that stultifying intellectual world was exploded by the crisis, the rise of political Islam, and the rise of China. It exploded because it was i unable to address real issues and contradictions and supplied only ready-made formulaic bromides, and ii it wrongly assumed that people desire to be free of ideological choices.

In other words, it is not only unlikely that the world will ever become Denmark the Middle East has been in turmoil for the past 4, years and is likely to be so in the next , but the world does not want to live in a society devoid of major ideological choices, cleavages and battles. Now, the exciting times are back again. It is especially exciting for the young people because the richness of ideological choices they have before them is immense: liberalism, new socialism, nationalism, political Islam, Chinese political capitalism, probably more.