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As an intellectual of his time and a survivor of a death camp, Amat was certainly affected by existentialism. In a fashion not unlike the greatest exponent of Spanish existentialism, Miguel de Unamuno, Amat also vacillates between reason and faith—or at least between the symbols of Christian metaphysics and the unwavering love in the face of heinous adversity.

In spite of the Buchenwald experience as a discursive foundation, this memorialistic literary work should not be considered either pure narrative or memoirs. The author blurs the boundaries between historical memory and literary re-creation. The first person narrative follows the trajectory of an anonymous concentration camp deportee whose utmost desire is to surrender to the uterine refuge of death that he orchestrates.

Hence, Death, feminized, provides womb-like shelter in a metaphorical amniotic limbo where suffering fades to oblivion. The novella departs from a 20 th century phenomenon—the conceding of Spanish citizenship to Hungarian Sephardic Jews, descendants of those expulsed four and a half centuries earlier. The plot initiates in Hungary where the mother and sister of the protagonist Isaac Salama are seized and transported to an extermination camp. In fact the catalyst for the plot stems directly from a Nazi, a minor character whose home is the target of boyish games. The third person omniscient narrative voice that paints images and scenes of bellum and post-bellum Galician prisons is intercalated with that of Herbal, a Nationalist guard and paseador.

Daniel Da Barca, prisoner, resistant and Republican leader. The present is imbued with painful memories that must be reconciled with the moment they were created. In this vein, in the latter chapters, the omniscient narrator references the immediate post-war press toasting to the meetings between high ranking Nationalist and national-socialist officials.

This personal and subjective orality subverts the mute, historical images of the camps. Hence, Trueba invites the mass consumers of celluloid to interpret the link between cultural national identity and political nationalism. In spite of the differences of genre and cultural category, the aforementioned works are unified by the flat rejection of all permutations of Fascism that further cements the Republican ideals of symbiotic solidarity and hope for humanity.

I would like to begin the second portion of this essay by showcasing the concept of voice and by underscoring that having a say is linked to the construct of belonging. Femaleness—whether it is of an individual or a group-- intensifies otherness. If citizenship connotes having a voice and a vote, then we must recall that the Republic provided a voice to all regardless of class, ideology or gender.

Therefore, if once Franco came to power, Republicans were nullified and deemed non-Spaniards; we must contemplate the legal and de facto status of female Republicans. Virginia Woolf could never have known that her epistolary essay Three Guineas-- which she began writing precisely because of her outrage regarding the Spanish Civil War--would be considered the foundation for feminist approaches to war.

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As a woman, I want no country. Hence, Woolf denounced the phallocentrism and patriarchy inherent in nationalisms and looked to an internationalist approach to feminism. We want peace and reconstruction, but just as we want peace so the other nations ought to want peace. These two visibly gendered symbolic orders, that are at opposite ends of the continuum, shed light on the fact that political belonging is rooted in psychic space: for Hitler it is linked to his view of claiming territory; for Woolf it goes beyond borders, for the connection is social, i.

If women cannot have equality, no one can. While feminism and republicanism underscore the human connection and, as such, are internationalist approaches that value life; nationalism propagates a false sense of unity by mythifying the concept of the great Nation to which life should be sacrificed. When Woolf composed the essay as the Spanish Civil War raged, it is fair to say that the latter half of the 30s was rife with competing political agendas and ideologies. On the other end were communism, socialism and anarchism. Had they returned to Spain, had they repatriated, as women their rights had already been nullified by the government of New Spain.

Capmany When discussing a feminist approach to war, we must understand that feminism recognizes and deconstructs existing power structures that favor a select group and are rooted in privilege. This is why the milicianas those few months from mid summer to early fall of were truly revolutionary. They had ceased to be auxiliaries and refused to believe that they were reduced to reproductive vessels that rendered cannon fodder, sons who would gladly lay down their lives. Because the Republic was based on equality—regardless of socio-economic class, gender or ideals—Republican women literally took up arms against Fascism, against a way of thinking that stripped them and others of their rights.

They did not fight because their ideology was based on the premise of war as evident in militaristic political approaches such as fascism. They fought for a collective quality of life that, ironically, included peace. If held under scrutiny, let us consider that socialism, communism and anarchism, in theory, undermine an absolutist approach to government. In theory, they discredit hierarchical power-mongering, and instead attest to the belief that governance is the reflection of the will of a collective. These same tenets are the foundation for the various permutations of feminism, where abuses of power are denounced for being the result of a hierarchical worldview that deems the select few as superior to the lower strata whom they should dominate.

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Hence, if we look at the Republic and what it stood for, we see that all mattered, all were deemed worthy of rights, consideration and protection—not privilege—under the law. All had a say as part of a collective. This is clearly the case in feminist thinking, where supremacy falls outside of its ideological parameters and there is a perpetual denunciation of inequality, and imbalance of power that leads to the abuses. Therefore, it is not surprising, rather it should have been foreseeable, given the conditions afforded by the Republic, that Republican women were sure in their rights, and had the conviction to participate in and fight for the common good which included their own.

The Republic for women meant having a voice. Fascism, is undeniably androcentric and andronormative meaning male as the standard, as the center of experience and symbolic order and patriarchal meaning structured hierarchically in the masculine. Fascism excluded women from power, relegated them to be auxiliaries or objects. The war, dictatorship within Spain, refugee status in France and Nazi occupation during exile all gagged Republicans; but women, because of their gender, were doubly silenced, doubly marginalized and considered truly powerless and insignificant.

Yet those who internalized a sense of worth, those who felt that they continued to have a voice, refused to accept a passive role, a muted existence. It is about these women and representations of such that I write. The plot begins at the onset of the War when a group of anarchist libertarias liberates a brothel and recruits the prostitutes. A young nun also initially unwittingly joins the militiawomen. These newly recruited freedom fighters are no longer subjected to literal and metaphoric phallocentrism as their itinerary takes them from the brothel and convent to the battlefield to fight for their rights and those of others.

Yet, the film concludes with the silencing of all as evident in the penultimate sequence described below. On the front lines, several militiamen bring a lamb to roast, yet all the militiawomen protest. This innocent to be sacrificed, not unlike a Pascal lamb, foreshadows a lugubrious end.

Another Moorish troop erupts into the stable, dragging Floren, bites off her ear and, after a bitter and bloody struggle, pierces her chest with a dagger. This scene proves most revealing when considering not only the violence perpetrated but also the symbolism of each body part brutalized. Hands represent power, usefulness and productivity within society; the violence against them signifies that the owner—and all that she represents—have been rendered powerless and impotent.

Hence, Charo representative of the group of militiamen and militiawomen, had been reduced to meat, carnage upon which, hopefully, meaning will be conferred. Pilar, thus, represents the silencing of women by the new hegemonic order.


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Let us briefly consider the plight of Republican women who remained on Iberian soil following the Nationalist victory. This model edifice and institution built under the direction of Victoria Kent worked toward one goal: social integration. Regarding Ventas and the role of Republican women, several works reflect and circumscribe the gendered reality of Nationalist oppression and persecution. Therefore, the point of imprisonment was simply to exert power and to strike fear in the hearts of the defeated.

Yet the mockery of justice was based on one of many charges that were reduced to one: rebellion.

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Clearly, New Spain, and especially in the early months following the defeat, was not humane. So although these young women were institutionally snuffed out, the memory of them persists. It is precisely this Nationalist concept of the domestic enemy that deemed all Republicans whether on Iberian soil or elsewhere, most especially combatants, as stateless—without rights and without protection under the laws of New Spain.

These work camps, a much lighter version of Nazi concentration camps, were an environment for political prisoners to cleanse themselves, convert ideologically and redeem themselves through hard labor as if it were a political purgatory. It is no wonder that refugee Republicans, including women, took part in the French Resistance, viewing it as an extension of the fight for their homeland, a fight that they believed would soon be won. I will only address the four who were actively involved in post-Civil War exile and resistance.

Sara Berenguer was a member of Solidaridad Internacional Antifascista, propaganda secretary for Mujeres Libres, exiled in and active in the French Underground. Her home was safe house. She established a network of safe spaces where refugees and resistants could seek shelter and pass information or documents. When she was forced to repatriate, Salvo joined the anti-Fascist fight, was arrested and spent 16 years in different Francoist prisons. Her account of the Ventas prison in Madrid is heart-wrenching due to the inhumane conditions, the interrogations, the brutal beatings and the gendered humiliations.

Yet, her story is also most uplifting for she presents to the viewer the solidarity, friendship and kindness as well as the collective struggle to organize and fight against Fascism. In fact, as was not uncommon under carcelary conditions, the inmates wrote, edited and circulated by hand a communist paper.

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Hence incarceration fanned the flames of hope. Like many female resistants, she functioned as a liaison, and passed information, believing her resistance against Fascism in France an extension of the fight in Spain that would soon lead to returning to the home she had known. Feminism is not an inversion of patriarchy, meaning that feminism does not replace a phallocentric hierarchy with another hierarchy.

By dehierarchizing the paradigm, feminist approaches deinferiorize concepts such as caring, tolerating an other or tending to a need. Feminist approaches to war vary greatly. What is certain is that militarism is patriarchal and phallocentric, as such its underlying structure is that of a violent hierarchy of binary oppositions. The good versus the bad; us vs. Of all ideologies, Fascism is particularly gendered and misogynistic. Spanish Republican women fought Fascism—regardless of its permutation.

Evident in all the fictional and factual cases looked at to this point is that these women were involved, active, in war but not to conquer, not to nullify the other, not to dehumanize the other side; rather, the underlying dual concept in the female Republican fight is the defense of rights for all—including those of women-- and the resistance against authoritarianism. Why not sooner? Why now? Hence, her collection is a cautionary tale of the past to prevent a dastardly future if the echoes of totalitarianism are understood by some to be the deafening beat of a militaristic drum.

The repetition of the term humanity is polyvalent. The second use of the term humanity refers explicitly to what in English has previously been mankind and what today is humankind or humanity, meaning the human population, in other words, everyone. This inclusive biophile approach that stems from a connection of kindness is the foundation for the various permutations of feminist approaches to war.

Codigo: Tela editorial marron tapas duras. Estado:Muy Bien. Idioma: Libros en Catalan. Multiples fotografias a color Desplegables. Seller Inventory Tema: Guias Viajes Fotografia. Editorial: Edicions 62 en Tela editorial beige con sobrecubierta tapas duras. Multiples Fotografias en Color. Condition: Aceptable. Va pronosticar que en les eleccions del 26J tornaria a guanyar la dreta espanyola.

L autor descriu l absolutisme de que gaudeix el govern d Espanya des de i els perills de la dictadura de la llei imposada. Published by Edhasa, Barcelona From: Libreria Raices Alicante, Spain.

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About this Item: Edhasa, Barcelona, Condition: Normal. Portada de Toni Miserachs illustrator. Condition: Nuevo. Tela editorial azul tapas duras. Ilustrado en Color. About this Item: Condition: Como Nuevo. Dust Jacket Condition: Muy Bien. Seller Inventory ABE Seller Inventory MAC Published by Dux Editorial, sl. About this Item: Dux Editorial, sl. About this Item: , Barcelona, Editorial Kairos, paginas, ilustraciones, 23x19, cubierta en tapa blanda, buen estado.

Seller Inventory X Flickr has finally created a single page with all these settings , this is much easier to do now and is the preferred method - it will shut down all API driven sites.

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