This pseudofascination is, by its nature, unstable and temporary, since it is capable, as should be the case, of being destroyed or even changed into something tedious. Such a change may be brought about by a transcendent sense of truth or by an everincreasing love of truth. The obvious and generic sense of the word cannot be applied to works of the imagination, for we all agree that there should be something of the invented in imaginary works, which is equal to saying there should be something false.
Basta che quella tendenza ci sia. It would be cowardly, however, to deny this Christian component, even in a single writer, for in none of these Romantic writings, at least in those I have read, is Christianity excluded. We have neither the facts, the right, nor the need to make such a judgment. Such a possible Christian intent, while certainly desirable and no small matter to us, is not, however, necessary to make us voice our preference for Romantic theory. It is enough for us that this Christian tendency is present in Romantic thought.
He adds that other systems and disciplines besides Romanticism, though they profess their difference from Christianity, may eventually bend in its direction. For example, he claims that though the political economy of the eighteenth century adopted strictures that seemed antithetical to the Gospel, eventually its critics, in line with biblical teachings, realized the immorality of liberal principles predicated upon the acquisition of wealth derived from the ruin of others.
The practical meaning which he attached to these words can be seen from the following example. He ordered an estimate to be prepared of the total cost of his own personal expenditure and that of his servants. He then ordered that the full corresponding sum should be transferred every year from his private account to that of his household.
For he did not think it right that he, with his great wealth, should live on the patrimony of the poor. Never mind the nine and ninety sheep. They are safe on the mountainside; and I mean to stay here with the one that was lost [Betrothed ]. In the village where she lived and throughout the territory of Lecco, people were talking on the following day of little else but Lucia, the Unnamed, and the Archbishop [Betrothed ].
Thus, the private pain and transport of the Unnamed becomes, through the charity and ministry of Borromeo, and in the tradition of Augustinian and Dantesque conversionary narratives, an exemplum for future penitents. Promessi sposi —82 But now no one was likely to feel shy about asking questions or stating opinions regarding a widely known story, in which the hand of Providence could be clearly seen—a story with two such remarkable heroes, one of 48 Genus Italicum whom [Borromeo] united so vigorous a love of justice with so lofty an authority, while the other was a man [the Unnamed] in whom tyranny itself seemed to be humbled, and gangsterism itself to have laid down its arms and sued for peace.
In contrast to both Goethe and Foscolo, Manzoni looks to the events of the past as the backbone for his aesthetic work, for it is in the acts of men and women—especially the humble and disenfranchised often ignored by the historians—that he sought evidence of the providential design that made his work anomalous.
IV In addition to domestic cultural issues, the persistence of a certain foreign notion of Italy—one that has little to do with Italian Romanticism itself— has hindered the movement from reaching an international audience. Count- Did Italian Romanticism Exist? In themselves, the representative units have no individual value or nature; we do not trouble to inquire as to their beauty or composition.
What matters is that these individual units have enough form and resistance to cohere into an organic whole. Only in contributing to this overall design do the individual units of realist representation achieve meaning. The realist house, Bazin contends, is already there in the individual brick. Not so with the neorealist Rossellini. In Voyage to Italy, Rossellini exploits the tension between impersonal and subjective perspectives to deconstruct the visual images of Romantic Italy in the Western foreign imaginary.
Katherine, however, feels alienated from this cultural history and the pagan and naturalistic impulses it only faintly masks. Philosophy, Novalis claimed, was nothing but homesickness; for many European writers of the early nineteenth century, and later for Katherine Joyce, Italy became this imaginary homeland. Since Italy has always existed as much in the imagination as it has in fact, it seems appropriate to conclude on a note of psychological speculation. And as soon as we Italians travel, the foreigners who recognize us as a uniquely musical people ask us to sing—but they do not realize how they always make us weep!
A critical mass of major nineteenth-century foreign writers, in constructing their common European heritage and sense of national identity, created a Romantic myth of Italy that persists to the present. These predominantly northern European authors established a dichotomy between their own supposedly rational, progressive cultures and the correspondingly irrational, backward society of their southern neighbor Italy.
The marginal status of contemporary Italian culture in Romantic Europe, however, was not wholly negative, for foreign authors sometimes used the example of a premodern and primitive Italy to critique the ambiguities and forms of alienation that accompanied modernity.
This chapter approaches the issue of an Italia senza italiani Italy without Italians by surveying how some major foreign authors of the age constructed the following categories for describing Italy and the Italians. Second, Italy and its people were effeminate, a gender characteristic that helped explain their prowess in the imaginative arts and their role in providing cultural access and opportunities to otherwise hearth-bound northern European women.
Third, Italians were raw and violent, often to the point of being murderous; yet this same volatility also contributed to their remarkable creative accomplishments. Last and most impor- Italy without Italians 55 tant, Italian society and public order basically did not exist. Thus, any sense of law and morality in the country had to be created internally by individual Italians, who had no recourse to the written laws and public institutions enjoyed by northern Europeans.
In order to distinguish vital ancient Italy from moribund contemporary Italy, foreign writers developed an impromptu cultural lexicon that employed such binary oppositions as male-female, living-dead, freedom-oppression, and Protestant-Catholic. Rome is a city, as it were, of the dead, or rather of those who cannot die, and who survive the puny generations which inhabit and pass over the spot which they have made sacred to eternity.
In order for the nation to be forged, Italians needed to gather these illustrious sepulchers into a single spot, where they could host pilgrimages to the heroic dead that could serve as a nationalist ritual for the then nonexistent Italy. Jacques Sablet, Roman Elegy. Tourists and the works of art suggests that the value of the Tour derived from forms of interaction independent of actual Italian society.
In an otherwise barren landscape, this spot teems with animal and human presence and contrasts the shadow of death with verdant images bathed in light. Italienische Reise offers a privileged perspective on the status of Italy in the foreign imaginary for a host of reasons. Second, for all the controversy that attends the 60 Genus Italicum Figure 4. Finally, as part of the vast network of foreign travel accounts of Italy circulating in Europe in the early s, the Italienische Reise follows a traditional itinerary that allows for fruitful comparative analysis alongside the constructions of Italy by many contemporaries.
November 10, ; Italienische Reise Today I was at the pyramid of Cestius, and on the Palatine in the evening, up there on the ruins of the imperial palaces, which stand like rocky cliffs. I confess that I cannot describe any of this to you! No one can take a serious look around this city, if he has eyes to see, without becoming solid, without forming a more vivid concept of solidity than he has ever had before [Italian Journey ].
If Italy was a privileged didactic forum for Goethe, what of the Italians 62 Genus Italicum themselves? Scholars remain divided on that contentious issue. Anthropological inquiry never escapes the shadow of aesthetic vision in his portrait of Italy. Goethe writes on December 29, , that he has observed enough of Italian society to know how things operate in Rome.
For the many little social circles at the feet of the mistress of the world now and then betray a certain provincialism [Italian Journey ]. I want to see the enduring Rome, not the one that passes away every ten years [Italian Journey ]. From this vantage point [of Rome], history especially is read differently from anywhere else in the world.
In other places one reads from the outside in, here we imagine we are reading from the inside out, everything lies spread out around us and also extends out from us. And that holds true not only of Roman history, but also of all world history [Italian Journey ]. Viere sind schon in unserm Bezirk in diesen drei Wochen ermordet worden. November 24, ; Italienische Reise The only thing I can say about this [Italian] nation is that it is made up of primitive people who, under all their splendid trappings of religion and the arts, are not a whit different from what they would be if they lived in caves or forests.
What particularly strikes foreigners, and today again is the talk of the entire city—but only talk—is the homicides that take place so routinely. Just in the last three weeks four persons have been murdered in our district. Like most of his contemporaries, including his friend and mentor Johann Gottfried Herder, Goethe subscribed to a fairly traditional, Rousseauistic primitivism that celebrated the early ages of man for their nobility and liberty.
He claims that one reason why Winckelmann never reached his full greatness was because he was forced to submit to the will of his ignorant Catholic patron, Cardinal Albani. The mention of Albani recalls an earlier entry from this same date January 13, , in which Goethe openly slights the cardinal in one of his many attacks on the Catholic faith. The murderer manages to reach a church, and that ends the matter [Italian Journey ].
On a typical Romantic outing early in the novel, Corinne and Oswald decide to spend the day at the tombs outside of Rome. In the midst of these meditations on mortality, the site of a certain tomb piques their interest. Protestants who die here are all buried round this pyramid and it is a gentle haven, tolerant and liberal [Corinne, Italy 80]. It is there that several of my compatriots found their last resting place. Let us go there [Corinne, Italy 80—81]. She writes that there is something remarkable about the campagna di Roma. But the ground is covered with natural plants, which are continually renewed by their vigorous growth [Corinne, Italy 78].
The natural growth outside of Rome seems to shun any contact with living Italians, instead expending its energies on the remote ancient Rome that casts an overwhelming shadow over the present. But imaginative souls, concerned as much with death as with life, enjoy contemplating this Roman countryside where the present day has left no mark [Corinne, Italy 78].
Nowhere is the eclipse of contemporary Italy more dramatic than in the crucial episode in which Oswald, after embarking upon a simultaneously tempestuous emotionally and innocent physically relationship with Corinne, decides to abandon his lover and return home. As his boat approaches England, Oswald equates his native land with public order and political freedom. The year he had just spent in Italy had no connection with any other period of his life. It was like a brilliant apparition which had completely struck his imagination but had not been able to alter completely the opinions or tastes which had constituted his life till then.
He found his former self again, and although the feeling of being separated from Corinne prevented him from having any feeling of happiness, he nevertheless returned to a certain rigidity in his ideas that the intoxicating wave of the arts and Italy had washed away. Oswald marvels, moreover, at the dignity and modesty of the English women and their capacity to translate domestic tranquility into a public virtue. He was exchanging the vague desire of romantic happiness for pride in the true goods of life, independence and security; he was returning to the life suited to men, action with a goal.
Reverie is more for women, beings who are weak and resigned from birth. They [the Romans] are people who do not bother about others [Corinne, Italy ]. Since society does not set itself up as judge of anything, it allows everything [Corinne, Italy 93]. She brings all three of these elements to bear in one masterful series of episodes that culminates in the death of Corinne. Whereas Corinne is intellectual and creative, Lucile is simple and unimaginative; while Corinne is independent and iconoclastic, Lucile is submissive and traditional; and where Corinne speaks her mind, Lucile holds her tongue.
Corinne responds that art is the last refuge of a nation despoiled by foreigners of its arms and government. Europe has received the arts and the sciences from Italy, and now that it has turned their own gifts against them it still often disputes the last glory that is allowed to nations without military power or political liberty, the glory of the sciences and the arts [Corinne, Italy 99].
From my earliest youth, I promised to bring honour to the name of Roman which still thrills my heart. You have allowed me glory, oh, liberal nation, you who do not banish women from your temple [Corinne, Italy ]. In the end, in the name of country, duty, and family, Oswald rejects Corinne and the Italy she embodies. The actual reason, however, is that he wishes to assuage his guilt in having abandoned Corinne for her half sister. The wrong you may do a woman may not hurt you in the eyes of the world. The fragile idols adored today may be smashed tomorrow without being defended by anyone, and it is for that very reason that, as far as they are concerned, I respect them more.
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Morality is upheld only in our hearts. We suffer no inconvenience when we cause them pain, and yet the pain is terrible. A dagger blow is punished by the law but the rending of a sensitive heart is only the subject of a joke. So it would be better to allow yourself to strike with a dagger. Oswald, who endlessly praises the laws and customs of Britain and derides the supposed lack of social mores in Italy, is rebuked by Castel-Forte for having failed to develop an individual code of honor.
The prince himself, as a representative member of the Italian aristocracy, emerges as the emblem of a particularly Italian way of considering law and morality. He respects the fragile and the weak, beings who, like Italy, have suffered at the hand of others. Oswald, the prince claims, has rent asunder the sensitive heart of Corinne. Although society will never punish him for this act, he may have just as well struck her with a dagger and, in so doing, at least be held accountable for his transgression. After Corinne dies, Oswald sinks into a depression that nearly causes him to lose his wits and his life.
Italy and Corinne—and the accompanying fantasies of art, female imagination, and private morality that they embody—are absorbed into the smothering folds of a simple English country life. I want neither to blame nor to absolve him Italy without Italians 71 [Corinne, Italy ]. Foscolo, in fact, was one of the very few Italian authors to enter the international arena and address foreign stereotypes about his homeland, for he spent the last decade or so of his life —27 living in England and writing for the British about Italian culture, history, and politics.
For you, O reader, it would be a more pleasing spectacle to see humankind in the natural state in your own family and community. The Italian and English, created and given their speech by a common nature, repeat their lines and wear their modern costumes in completely different ways. In order to grasp the essential kinship between England and Italy, a certain amount of cultural distance from each is needed.
And if you [reader] also lack a country and a home—then look at [humankind] in your wanderings. The [Italian] language I write, reader, besides the powers perfected or fostered by age,. For Foscolo, the sullying of la lingua italiana by foreigners was comparable to the manner in which these same foreigners compromised Italian political Italy without Italians 73 freedom.
The majority of foreigners 74 Genus Italicum could never understand Italy, he suggests, because they seek to do so abstractly, without studying its language and carefully observing its customs. For example, she confuses the tombs of Leonardo Bruni and Pietro Aretino based on the incidental fact that both hailed from Arezzo. Metaphysics seduced this same woman into bringing it along with her in her carriage while she penetrated, in the blink of an eye, the customs, opinions, literature, and lifeblood of national life.
Today, each writer goes wandering through the history and literature of all the past centuries and all the contemporary languages. Vanity, mixed with the impossibility of the endeavor, inspires him to show us what we do not know. And writers study with us. Foscolo notes with chagrin that such fashionable theoretical readings of history criticize Italians for their excessive reliance on Greek and Latin literature and refusal to read more modern literature.
Lawrence, Henry James, James Joyce, and Ezra Pound, to name a few—traveled to the Peninsula in search of that same Italy that provided late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century authors the freedom to develop as artists and the detached perspective to contemplate their societies back home. Some of the views that helped artists break with long-standing French neoclassical principles were admittedly extravagant. In fact, a number of empirically false observations on Italy served Romantics in reconceptualizing a construct as vast as literary history, which Romantics infused with original considerations on the nexus between geography and culture.
The other consists of the Italians of the present day, their works and ways. Building on advances in Enlightenment literary historiography, writers in the nineteenth century began to ask with increasing frequency such questions as: What is the relationship between literature and the nation?
Does the history of literature contain a geographic and demographic dimension? Perhaps their Enlightenment predecessors did not ask these questions as often because they were less bothered by the crises that fueled the dialectic between historical self-consciousness and literary theory in pre-Romantic Europe. Subjectivity, for Schiller, exists as a form of compensation.
We became selves, he suggests, when we became conscious of the loss of that organic connection between humankind and the world that rendered subjectivity a moot point in the supposedly reciprocal relations between internal and external life of antiquity. Thus, in Schiller, a theory of literary history becomes no less than a theory of human nature. For many Germans, and for Schiller in particular, Goethe represented a literary history-inminiature; he was the author who took it upon himself to give his inchoate nation a cultural tradition worthy of the ancients.
But here and now, born a German, your Greek mind transplanted into this northern world, you are faced with the choice of becoming a Nordic artist or of recreating in your imagination the art which reality withholds from it. With the help of rational thinking you substituted, in your imagination, the ancient ideal of art for the poor reality around you.
Hartman, Goethe lacked a strong native literary tradition: there was no German nation as there was no German Renaissance. The site of this transformation and the pedagogic forum for his cultural apprenticeship was Italy. Let us admit, nevertheless, that it is hard, sad work to sort out the old Rome from the new, but one has to do it and hope for inestimable satisfaction at the end. What the barbarians left standing, the builders of new Rome have ravaged [Italian Journey ].
For Goethe, as for many fellow Romantic travelers, the time within the Italian classroom is limited, and the cultural lessons learned only attain their true value at home, far removed from the originals—copies of which, thanks to his friend Tischbein, Goethe can bring back to Germany December 29, ; Italienische Reise ; Italian Journey He sought, therefore, not merely to trace the roots of German culture back to antiquity via a virtuoso display of erudition.
However, the associations that their aesthetic bliss occasioned markedly differed. The experience of art becomes more freighted with autobiographical meaning if also perhaps less enjoyable, therapeutic, or didactic. The shift is from a tourism of appreciation to one of appropriation. For Goethe, personal contact with ancient Roman cultural forms attained full value when these same forms were transformed into a native, national idiom.
The civic-minded Goethe translated his devotion to ancient Italy into the source for modern Germanic culture; for the more delicate Keats, the translatio was of an emotional, existential register. The long-standing debate, which received its most dramatic academic installment in the comparatist Wellek contra the nominalist A. Lovejoy , remains open. In the tradition of Wellek and his contemporaries Abrams, Bloom, de Man, and Hartman, many literary comparatists and theoreticians situate the Romantic text within an international network of aesthetic, creative, and intellectual currents that reveal the conceptual and formal similarities of the various literary movements of nineteenth-century Europe.
Times have changed, for the current trend is to regard with historically or politically oriented suspicion those conceptual comparative paradigms that led to the promotion, in postwar Anglo-American criticism, of the idea of a European Romanticism. No less an authority than Manzoni argued that the actual, polemically charged word Romanticism, because it meant so many different things in so many different contexts, should never be mentioned.
Only by examining aspects of the Romantic controversy on an individual and ad hoc basis can one accurately judge whether an international European Romanticism or an isolated, local Romantic effect is at work. This is the great advantage they hold over men of letters of preceding centuries. The profound and clear reasoning which many have infused into their books and their conversation has done much to instruct and polish the nation. This philosophy has relegated to the schools thousands of childish disputations that had formerly been dangerous and have now become objects of scorn.
In this way men of letters have in fact served the state. We are sometimes amazed that matters which formerly disturbed the world no longer trouble it today. We owe this to true men of letters. His writer, one might say, is not born; he or she is made. Style, thus conceived, absorbs the need for any introspective inquiry into the self, for the agreed-upon conventions of literary excellence translate into viable models of social conduct and moral behavior.
Recent work has exposed the ideological assumptions underlying the presumed stylistic universality that sanctioned these high-Enlightenment protocols. Many philosophes, however, have considered this method quite useful. By continually looking at himself in a truthful mirror, sooner or later a man of sense ought to correct what truly displeases him, for no one knows us better than we know ourselves. Because he equates self-examination with diary writing, literary pursuits will presumably sustain his desire for self-improvement.
All of these factors suggest that his early notions of literature and authorship derived primarily from his exposure to the vogue of French literary thought. His autobiographical Vita scritta da esso Memoirs; rests upon this Archimedean point in his life in which he decides to become a writer. Had I known how to write verses I should have turned it all into poetry [Memoirs ]. From that July , in order to avoid conversing in the French language, I religiously shunned every society in which it was spoken, yet I did not succeed in Italianizing myself [Memoirs ].
This process of Italianization via mastery of the prestigious Tuscan dialect of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio entailed the rejection of those rhetorical principles that allowed the Enlightenment writer to move effortlessly between genres. Io mi arrabbiava, e piangeva: ma invano. I raged, I wept, but it was necessary to assume patience and begin my task anew.
I was obliged to ransack classical Italian texts, however insipid and anti-tragical, in order to become master of the native Tuscan. The Italian models he initially consults, however, repel him because of their ostentation and empty formalism. But the exorcism of French rhetoric is not yet complete. Only an Italian author such as he would opt for a local Tuscan dialect—which was, after all, a foreign language even to him, a native of Piedmont—rather than the accepted international prestige of French.
But through his mythmaking—a Romanticizing of Italy similar to that which took place abroad—he paved the way both for a literary rebirth in his native land and for foreigners to view Italian cultural history as a viable alternative to increasingly obsolete high-Enlightenment especially French literary ideals. He was born to act, but he could only write. His style and his tragedies are affected by this constraint.
Vocabulario commune ad latino-italiano-français-English-deutsch pro usu de interlinguistas
He wanted to achieve a political objective by means of literature [Corinne, Italy ]. She claims, however, that his quixotic desire to be a literary history-of-one was doomed to fail; he was no Goethe. Lucile has come to visit Corinne to apologize to her about her marriage, gain her forgiveness, and establish a relationship with the EnglishItalian half sister from whom she was separated in childhood.
Because Lucile married Oswald unaware of the fact that he had been involved with Corinne, Corinne assures Lucile that she does not begrudge her actions. Like Dido, in death Corinne rejects an Aeneas that in life she could not live without. Fellow citizens, listen to my solemn greeting. Darkness already draws near to my vision, but is not the sky more beautiful at night? Thousands of stars adorn it. By day, it is but a desert. The eternal shadows reveal countless 92 Genus Italicum thoughts which gleaming posterity made us forget.
But the voice which could tell of them gradually grows faint [Corinne, Italy —]. The deadly muses, love and unhappiness, inspire her, and the angel of death, white wings and shroud of darkness withal, awaits her. And you, Rome, where my ashes will be conveyed, you who have seen so many die, if, with trembling step, I join your illustrious dead, forgive me for complaining. Perhaps noble, fruitful feelings and thoughts die with me, and of all the faculties of the heart I receive from nature, that of suffering is the only one I have fully put into practice [Corinne, Italy ].
In so doing, she lends the Roman necropolis a genius loci of a distinctly European Romantic dimension that remains beholden to long-standing Enlightenment principles. Rome accepts Corinne after native England has spurned her; and the liberal Roman nation allows Corinne her glories, while refusing to discriminate against her gender or national identity.
More mysterious, however, remain the reasons that a certain idea or representation of Dante came to dominate the literary reception of the poet, both in the high literature of the age and in the public imaginary. The nature of this paradigmatic notion of Dante becomes all the more striking, when one considers that it does not often square with the messages and motifs of the masterpiece that established his Romantic preeminence, La divina commedia. As obscure as Foscolo, Manzoni, and their contemporaries were, Dante was proportionately famous; yet it was not always so.
The Romantics were intensely interested in his biography, especially the poetic and legendary form established by Boccaccio in Trattatello in laude di Dante Little treatise in praise of Dante; c. In the Commedia, however, heroism serves only to aid the Pilgrim in his spiritual ascent. Dante later admits to Virgil that, were he to die at the time of his journey through the afterworld, he would be placed in the terraces of Purgatorio among the proud. One could even argue that the central theme of Paradiso, the canticle in which Dante encounters God, is the overcoming of the self.
That he, here in exile, could do this work [the Commedia], that no Florence, nor no man or men, could hinder him from doing it, or even much help him in doing it. He knew too, partly, that it was great; the greatest a man could do. An eminent statesman and educator in thirteenth-century Tuscany, Latini, like Dante, suffered exile. Unlike Dante, however, Latini failed to acknowledge his own sins and shortcomings. Dante lampoons his former teacher by exposing the ostentation and empty erudition of his Latinisms, rhetorical inversions, and false allegiance to the realm of medieval astrology.
I am prepared for Fortune as she wills. Such earnest [talk by Latini] is not strange to my ears, therefore let Fortune whirl her wheel as pleases her, and the yokel his mattock. Authors like A. Schlegel and Friedrich Schelling promoted Dante as a landmark in modern individuality in order to situate the birth of their artistic and intellectual concerns in a historical source whose visionary character imbued their endeavors with a transcendental basis and bias.
We are today in a better position to recognize its unique synthesis of the most heterogeneous elements; for we are both at one with the poet and at the same time divorced from him through our modern education. Dante, by contrast, is all about closure. His architectonic mind, moreover, privileged what the Romantics avoided: he is allegory to their symbol, epic to their lyric, and one hundred cantos in symmetrical triune division to their scattered and broken fragments.
Few Romantic readers ventured into Purgatorio or Paradiso; as Victor Hugo writes, the human eye, at least in Romantic Europe, was not made to look upon such light, and when the Commedia becomes happy, it was thought to be boring. In literary-historical terms, the rebirth of Dante was indeed sudden and dramatic. By the early nineteenth century, the canonical status of the Commedia was so well established as to prompt Peacock and later Wordsworth to deride the resurgence of Dante as a cult.
Between and , no fewer than editions of the Commedia were published in Europe, from Scotland to present-day Slovakia, edited by writers as accomplished as Rossetti, Foscolo, and Mazzini. Between roughly and , European writers revised the way they wrote about, interpreted, and imagined their own lives.
On the other hand, the Romantic age is considered the period of self-conscious inquiry into an interior drama that is then cloaked with literary form. They shared, however, a concern with the question of individual personality, the development of artistic sensibility or creative vocation, and the desire to unravel the threads of emotional history and private thoughts. If so-called Romantic autobiography might be reduced to any single trait, it could be this sense of the sometimes daunting, often inscrutable strangeness that writers imagined they carried inside themselves.
If that sense of inner strangeness now seems either well-rehearsed or self-indulgent, we need only recall how astonishing and perverse it would have appeared to the generations of authors—the Johnsons, Lessings, Montesquieus, Parinis, and so on—who never heard its voices. Nobody reads Dante anymore in Europe. Many major writers remarked about the work, and some devoted themselves either to attacking or defending it.
After , Europe saw no new publication of the text until In contrast to the paucity of writing on Dante during the s, the range of Dante criticism during the eighteenth century was indeed broad. Voltaire reserved, however, this process of self-emancipation for a select few who could immerse themselves in the study of books only by casting aside worldly concerns.
The Voltairean garden was never merely a place where one donned a mask and played at letters for a while, only to shed the disguise once the demands of the city encroached upon the stillness of the literary grove. From this Archimedean point outside of historical events, he critiqued Heirs of a Dark Wood society through satire, literary evaluation, and philosophical speculation.
The garden was ultimately the only place where the iconoclast Voltaire felt at home; exile and displacement were, therefore, preconditions for the independence that he only experienced in small, episodic doses. In this era, the typical attitude toward the Commedia was disdainful: Corneille, Racine, and Blaise Pascal ignored Dante. Like the ancients, there was nothing that Dante did not express. He encouraged the Italians to say all. Nobody reads Dante anymore in Europe, because his work is nothing but allusions to now-ignored facts.
As harsh as these words may sound, Voltaire wrote them with a neutrality that disappeared in the later criticism. As we will see, however, his defense only pushed Dante further into the exile that Voltaire had decreed for him. According to Baretti, after a golden age in the baroque France of Louis XIII, the return to cultural sobriety under the aegis of critics like Bayle and Boileau led the French to reject the Italian literary tradition.
Baretti fails, however, to develop the notion of taste implicit in these observations. It is the same sort of fasci- nation which is mentioned in all of the biographical anecdotes told about Brunelleschi's activities as an architect, and in particular in those more directly related to the construction of the dome of the cathedral in Florence, itself considered an impossible feat. The exceptional nature of the fifteenth-century artist, and of Brunelleschi in particular, seems to lie pre- cisely in his ability to force the impossible into the realm of the possible.
Am I like Calandrino, turned into someone else so quickly without realiz- ing it? Grasso, in other words, does not undergo the change of identity passively: he is not a simple spectator nor a Calandrino. Rather, he investigates his culture and his experience, searching for an explanation for what is happening to him and around him.
In a significant scene, which takes place in the debtors' prison where he has been taken in place of Matteo, Grasso, convinced by now that he has really become Matteo, finds himself discussing his situation with a judge who happened to be in the same cell. After having explained his case to the judge, he concludes inquis- itively with these words: "Messere Did you ever come across anything like this? In as much as his vernac- ular culture proves to be inadequate. Grasso appeals to the judge's classical culture in order to find an explanation for his misadventures.
Instead, it is very much dependant on the consequences and primar- ily the psychological consequences that those actions have for the desig- nated victim. These will be even more intriguing in so far as the victim, rather than abandoning himself to the inevitable rationale of the events, tries nevertheless to control and comprehend them. In the first two versions of the novella, the vulgate and the Palatino text, the story ends rather quickly, once the bejfa has reached its conclu- sion.
After managing, in the space of three days, to convince Grasso that he has become Matteo, Filippo Brunelleschi and his companions polish their work by putting in place the last details of the plan for the beffa. First, they give Grasso a potion to make him fall asleep, and this takes place at Matteo's house. Then, they take him to his own house; they put him in bed; go to his workshop and move every tool from its original place; final- ly they all go back to their own homes to sleep.
The next morning Grasso, having regained possession of his identity but incapable of finding a rea- — 10 — Filippo Brunelleschi and the Perspectives of Sleep sonable explanation for the events of the day before, decides to leave Florence for good and to move to Hungary. This is how the vulgate pre- sents the scene in which Filippo Brunelleschi and his friends take Grasso home from Matteo's house, and put him to bed I quote from the MS. BNF II. At the agreed time Filippo arrived with three friends and, on entering the room where [Grasso] was, and hearing him snore loudly, they picked him up and put him in a hamper along with all his clothes and brought him to his own house, where, as luck would have it, no one was home, since his mother had not yet returned from the country.
Carrying him to his bed, they put him in it and placed his clothes where he usually put them when he went to bed. The meaning of the operation is, without any doubt, that of giving Grasso back his identity, through an exact adherence to his most personal habits "puosono i panni suoi dove li soleva porre" "they placed his clothes where he usually put them". They put him into bed and placed his clothes where he usually put them when he undressed. Manetti's version, on the other hand, presents a reading of this scene that is completely different. On entering the room where Grasso was, and hearing that he was sound asleep, they picked him up, put him in a hamper along with all his clothes, and car- ried him to his own house, where, as luck would have it, his mother had not yet returned from the country.
They knew all this because they were keeping an eye on everything. And they put him into bed, and placed his clothes where he usually put them.
But they put his feet where he usually put his head [emphasis added]. Upon awakening, Grasso, in the vulgate and Palatino versions, redis- covers his identity precisely by recognizing the elements familiar to him; and his astonishment derives from the conflict between this identity and that which he experienced on the previous days — a conflict which is exemplified by his having gone to bed in Matteo's house and having awak- ened in his own bed.
Grasso slept all night without ever waking up. In the morning, awakening to the sound of the Angelus from Santa Maria del Fiore late in the morning, he recognized the sound of the bell and, opening his eyes, saw some chinks of light in the room. Recognizing [it] he saw that he was in his own house and, remembering — 12 — Filippo Brunelleschi and the Perspectives of Sleep everything that had happened, he was amazed, especially when he recalled the place where he had gone to bed the night before. He said "God, help me.
Grasses awakening is very different. The elements are apparently the same, but Grasses mental activ- ity is no longer characterized by a generic state of confusion. But next morning, awakening to the sound of the Angelus from Santa Maria del Fiore, when the effects of the potion had worn off and it was already daylight, he recognized the sound of the bell and, opening his eyes, saw some chinks of light in the room and realized that he was in his own house, and his heart was suddenly filled with great joy, for it seemed he had become Grasso again and was master of all his possessions, which he thought might be lost to him.
And now he almost wept, he was so beside himself with joy. Yet he was disturbed and amazed to find his head where he usually put his feet in the bed. And remembering the things that had happened, and where he had gone to sleep the night before, and where he was then, he suddenly fell into a reverie of uncertainty about whether he had been dreaming then or was dreaming now [emphasis added].
It takes place inside Grasso's mind and is played out on the basis of the confiision between dream and reality. This is Manetti's essential contribution in terms of narrative inven- tion with respect to the tradition of the novella. This contribution affects not only the construction of the beffa but, significantly, the space in which — 13 — Lorenzo Bartoli it is to take place: from the streets of Florence, we are led inside Grassos own mind.
Indeed, in the conclusion to the novella, Manetti states that "la maggior parte delle cose da ridere erano state, come si dice, nella mente del Grasso" "most of the funny things had happened, so to speak, in Grasso's mind" This phrase, which is not found in the other ver- sions of the novella, confirms Manetti's particular focus on the psycholog- ical dimension of the story.
What must be stressed, in any case, is the insistence on the theme of dreams, introduced by Manetti to modify the tradition of the novella. Although, in fact, Grasso's meditations on dreams begin with the mem- ory of what happened on the previous days, it is nevertheless significant that those meditations are also suggested by a detail; namely, Grasso's posi- tion in bed which, in Manetti's version, becomes part of Brunelleschi's overall strategy for the execution of the beffa.
In short, it is not so extraordinary that Grasso should struggle to distinguish, in his own mind, between dream and reality; but rather that such ambiguity is born out of Brunelleschi's specific project. So much so, that Manetti, when introducing the character of Matteo, in the last part of — 14 — Filippo Brunelleschi and the Perspectives of Sleep the novella, insists precisely upon terms of dream and reality. Such a narrative strategy requires, for its own logic, that Brunelleschi know exactly what is going through Grasses mind.
He should know about Grasses uncertainty between dream and reality — a knowledge that the architect must have, since it was he who led Grasso's reasoning in that direction. In Manetti's version of the novella, therefore, Brunelleschi is not just the designer of a bejfa by which Grasso is made to believe that he has become Matteo: he is also the maker of another bejfa, by which Grasso is made to believe that he has dreamt of becoming Matteo. In Manetti's version of the story, then, the theme of dream acquires a highly significant role. It indicates, with precision, the limits of Grasso's interpretative ability, particularly in comparison with Brunelleschi's inge- nuity.
Similar to the reference to classical antiquity in the episode with the judge, the appeal to the dream as an interpretative tool proves to be yet another sign of Grasso's intellectual weakness, the product of a pseudo-cul- ture that is refuted by Brunelleschi's that is Manetti's precise rationality, which in fact he can use to carry out his plan. At the heart of the narrative innovations introduced by Manetti to modify the development of the story of Brunelleschi and Grasso, various traditions converge. First of all, it should be noted that, in the classical tra- dition of writings on art, the appeal to the oneiric dimension as a key to accessing the realm of the artistic imagination is usually accompanied by some caution, or even skepticism.
It should be noted that Pliny says that Parrhasius "usurpavit" literally usurped' his supremacy — that is, it was not granted to him — thus emphasizing the untenability of Parrhasius's point of view; being entirely subjective to the artist himself, it could not be verified. This is a concept derived from the classical and mercantile traditions alike and is linked to the artistic culture of the fif- teenth century. Such an association is exemplified by Giannozzo's words in the third book of Leon Battista Alberti's Delia famiglia On the Family : Io quanto al tempo cerco adoperarlo bene, e studio di perderne mai nulla And to waste no part of such a precious thing, I have a rule that I always follow: never remain idle, I avoid sleep, and I do not lie down unless overcome by weariness.
The artistic world is necessarily linked to the civic and mercantile premises that underlie Giannozzo's reasoning. This can be verified, once again, by referring to Ghiberti's Commentarii. Sleep and dreams, therefore, on which Manetti insists in the final part of the novella, converge to underscore Brunelleschi's ingenuity and his intellectual superiority with respect to Grasso.
And yet, what characterizes Brunelleschi's attitude in the novella is not so much his denial of an over- all validity to the oneiric dimension of artistic creation, that is, that of Pliny's Parrhasius. Rather, his main contribution is to restrict such a dimension within the limits of the scientific tradition of optics. Fifi:eenth-century time is that of late nights, as can be seen by the example of Paolo Uccello. English translation: "To make clear my exposition in writing this brief commen- tary on painting, I will take first from the mathematicians those things with which my subject is concerned.
John R. Spencer, Poche cose si sono fatte d'inportanza nella nostra terra non sieno state disegnate et ordinate di mia mano" The edition is based on MS. To those who wish to make large figures that go beyond the natural form, I've given the rules for drawing them with per- fect measure.
On Brunelleschi's relationship with Florentine humanist culture of the first half of the fifteenth cen- tury, see Tanturli's essay. The novella was recently translated into English and included in the volume by Lauro Martines. Page references are to the English translation of the novella in the volume by Martines. Compare this novella to Plautus's Amphitruo, which seems to be its most direct narrative predecessor.
Michelangelo , poem No. Libro 3. The following is the extended quota- tion of this passage from Opere volgari, ; English translation by Watkins: "Dissi io la masserizia sta in bene adoperare le cose non manco che in conservalle, vero? Adunque io quanto al tempo cerco adoperarlo bene, e studio di perderne mai nulla. My plan, therefore, is to make as good use as possible of time, and never to waste any.
I use time as much as possible on praiseworthy pursuits. I do not spend my time on base concerns. I spend no more time on anything than is needed to do it well. And to waste no part of such a precious thing, I have a rule that I always fol- low: never remain idle, I avoid sleep, and I do not lie down unless overcome by weariness, for it seems disgraceful to me to fall without fighting or to lie beaten — in short, like so many people, to take an attitude or defeat sooner than enter the battle.
This then is what 1 do: I avoid sleep and idleness, and I am always doing something. To be sure that one pursuit does not crowd out another, and that I don't find I have started several things but completed none, or perhaps have done only the less important and left the best undone, do you know, my children, what I do? First thing in the morning, when I arise, I think to myself, 'What are the things I have to do today? Then, if I was careless in performing some tasks, and can repair the damage immediately, I do so; for I would sooner lose sleep than lose time, that is, than let the right moment for doing something slip by.
The passage, moreover, is taken from Athenaios see the index of sources in the edition of Ghiberti's Commentari! English translation: The Lives of the Artists, De pictura, in Opere volgari. Cecil Grayson. Bari: Laterza, The Family in Renaissance Florence. Co- lumbia: University of South Carolina Press, Bacon, Roger.
David C. Billeri, Gabriella. L'esecuzione narrativa. Significazione nella Novella del Grasso le- gnaiuolo. Rome: Bulzoni, Borsellino, Nino "L'architetto e il legnaiuolo. Florence: Olschki, , Tome 2. I commentant. Lorenzo Bartoli. Florence: Giunti, La novella del Grasso legnaiuolo. Antonio Lanza. Florence: Vallecchi, together with the Geta and Birria story. Paolo Procaccioli. Parma: Guanda, Giuseppe G.
Turin: UTET, Lindberg, David C. Theories of Vision from al Kindi to Kepler. Chicago: Chicago University Press, Manetti, Antonio. Vita di Ser Brunelleschi preceduta da La novella del Grasso. Domenico De Robertis and Giuliano Tanturli. Milan: il Polifilo, Martines, Lauro. New York: Marsilio, James M. Parronchi, Alessandro. Milan: Martelli, Pliny, Natural History. Harris Rackham. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Tanturli, Giuliano. La sua opera e il suo tempo. Florence: Centro Di, , Tartaro, Achille.
Storia e testi. Carlo Muscetta. Vasari, Giorgio. Le vite. Luciano Bellosi and Aldo Rossi. Turin: Einaudi, The Lives of the Artists. Julia Conaway Bondanella and Peter Bondanella. Giovanni Boccaccio is the father of Renaissance irony. Feeling com- pelled to compare himself to the model provided by Dante, the author of the Decameron translated the objectivity of Dante's divine vision into terms that are purely subjective and readily intelligible. Boccaccio, the man who loved profane literature too much, feared being castigated in Hell, as he himself had confessed to Petrarch.
It was Lorenzo Valla, a layman proud of his political and Christian militancy, who succeeded, in the preface to the fourth book of his Elegantiae Elegance of the Latin Language , in distancing this spectr. He did not do this as a pastime; rather, he sought to carry on, in the very heart of both pagan and Christian Rome — a few metres, in fact. Thomas Aquinas Valla sets a parodie dream vision against the revelatory one of the Dominicans. In the latter, conceived as a celebration of the Order, Saint Thomas is cel- ebrated in heaven as the most acute interpreter of the Scriptures. Here the Roman humanist writer confers on his version of the Celestial Jerusalem, with its flying angels and its victory over the devils, a volup- tuous corpulence.
Among people of a high social and cultural level, such as the interlocutors typical of Ciceronian dialogue see Marsh , one does not lower oneself to the level of such territamenta frightening sights. We thus find reproduced in him that dualism between parodie and serious treatments of visionary literary forms, a dualism that was present in Boccaccio. This is proof of the vitality of this literary model: it was one that could be used in very different historical and stylistic contexts.
In the meantime, the diffusion of Platonism, starting with the tradi- tion established through Leonardo Brunis translations, put back into cir- culation an elitist eschatology distinct from the more popular Christian one, and this was the moving force behind a visionary literature sui gener- is. In this text a philosopher has an eschatological dream in which the funda- — 22 — The Grotesque 'World Beyond' from Boccaccio to Curione mental structure of human life is revealed to him in allegorical form.
Not unlike Boethius, the philosopher meditates on the problems of fate and destiny. A shade similar to Boethius's Philosophy appears to him and shows him a line of innumerable souls. These descend from a mountain and immerse themselves in a river; we learn that they are divine fires on their way to acquire bodies from the River of Life. They will fight to save them- selves from the pointed rocks of iniquity and envy, and will make their choices from among the kinds of lives outlined by Plato.
Seeing that the man who governs the ship of state risks far too many dangers, Alberti favours instead the contemplative life. It is translated into a philosophical 'vision,' one that is completely divorced from the dichoto- my of hell and paradise still present in Boccaccio and in Valla. He immerses his protagonist, Libripeta, in a landscape of grotesque objects — hair, beard, lice — that in the oneiric tradition foretell an unlucky future. It is not a scene based on perspective but a grotesque consisting of suspended elements. The 'fields of wisdom,' popu- lar in the encyclopedic Middle Ages, are not the backdrop for the slow and solemn procession of learned individuals, but the locale for the unseemly race of the envious, slanderous and falsely learned Libripeta.
He is followed by a swarm of harmfiil insects, the same ones that Alberti's archdevil Momus uses to question the perfection of the universe newly created by the hand of God. Yet, not unlike Boccaccio's version, the privileged object of Alberti's parody is still the visions of preachers.
If the author of the Decameron limited himself to satirizing the coarse inventions of preach- ers, as in the story of Fra Cipolla and the feather of the Angel Gabriel, then — 23 — Luca D'Ascia Alberti appears to ridicule the apocalyptic current in Christian preaching see Simoncini. The apocalypse must have meant very little to one who secretly inclined toward a Stoic-Platonic determinism.
Alberti prefers a visionary inventiveness directed toward a few subtle readers capable of grasping the serious and comical nuances of his symbolism. He thus tends instead to disparage the existing forms of popular eschatology, forms that were also socially censured insofar as the Church, whose organizational structure was centred on the functions of the bishop seen almost as a civil magistrate , was hostile to the idle and vagabond preaching of the mendi- cant friars.
Ariosto continued the tradition started by Boccaccio. They transformed the 'vision' — the revelatory ecstasy dear to monks — into a form of propaganda against those same institutions that had used it to lay claim to a transcendent legit- imization. They set the Boccaccio who was a stylistic model in opposition to the Boccaccio who was a master of anti-clericalism.
And to the tinsel of classicism they opposed the utilitas moral teaching of the Bible and the Veritas truth of its stories in oppo- sition to the views of Livy, who, according to Erasmus, was in error. With his Funeral Profession Funus he furnishes a singular example of parodie apotheosis, one which takes up Erasmian models and turns them againt the emerging cult of Erasmus, a cult which was beginning to leave its imprint on the more moderate humanism of Basel. Pasquilluss link to Erasmus, however, is not likely due to its theological content; the distance between Curione's rigid Zwinglian predestinationism and the synergism of Erasmus is far too great.
In the latter work especially Erasmus succeeded in acclimatizing the comical spirit of Boccaccio to northern humanism, thus conferring upon it a militant religious value. As is well known, in Pasquillus the great humanist of Rotterdam is punished for his neutrality; he is condemned to oscillating between the 'Christian heaven and the 'papist' one. Curione's judgment, however, is anything but negative: Pasquillus deplores the unhappy fate of the man who is refined, learned, and, above all, witty To be sure, on a liter- ary level the influence of the Encomion and the Colloquia proves to be per- sistent and profound.
But the character of Pasquillus, who has been nourished on the terrain of curial back-biting and slander,22 is in a certain sense rendered noble under the influence of Erasmus. As often happens in Erasmus's Colloquies, the Socratic interlocutor, who brings with him a more mature ethical awareness, uses his dialectical and maieutic technique to demolish the prejudices of his interlocutor.
Even Curione's Pasquillus a stone statue that paradoxically reveals itself as a herm, a Silenic emblem , argues socratically. The Pasquillus, like Funus, Exorcismus, Peregrinano religionis ergo, satirizes the ridiculous escatology of the friars, especially the Franciscans. Curione, the 'reformed' propagandist, does not ignore the authority that popular consciousness places in the religious visions of persons possessing — 25 — Luca D'Ascia the odour of sanctity.
But this fact is used to expose heterodox opinions; ironically, both the protagonist and the content of the ecstatic vision are altered: the protagonist is no longer an ascetic, but Pasquillus himself, the mad commentator; the content of the revelation no longer describes sen- sational events and future prodigies, but rather the unmasking of the hypocrisies of the 'papist' heaven. In a quar- relsome, Ariosto-like monastery from which Silence has fled, Pasquillus studies the preliminary exercises. Halfway between asceticism and necro- mancy, these are used by the monks in order to induce visions.
After study- ing them, Pasquillus uses them in the same way. The protagonist is tormented by a state of doubt that cannot be resolved by reading and meditation. The Christian meditates on divine providence and is disturbed by the contrast between, on the one hand, the optimistic theology of the dignity of man and the perfection of the uni- verse, and, on the other, the fact that the historical and social worlds are dominated by evil. He is thus subject to the temptations of Epicureanism and Manichaeism. In fact, the cult of saints appears to him to be very close to the propitiatory and apotropaic cult of evil gods.
Yet he is not able to negate the factual reality of miracles and the intervention of supernatural powers in human affairs, irreducible to the beneficent and well-ordered action of a supreme being. The parody of a revelatory vision coincides with a positive revelation: the heav- en of the papists is empty, or, better yet, is full of objects without signifi- cance or coherence; it is a deep valley containing all the things lost by human stultitia folly , and upon it is built the fragile and arrogant edifice of the papacy. Rigorously literal and scriptural, it reinforces, contrary to the degeneration of the Church, a positive model of the cult of the spir- it and of truth.
The imagi- nary voyage to heaven to examine up close the nature of the supposed saints is anything but a joke: it becomes, rather, the confirmation of a rad- ical theology of the anti-Christ. The world, then, is apparently governed by the devil, or by a demiurge that is Gnostic and Manichaean he of course collaborates with the elect for the greater glory of God. The eschatological 'joke' is an authentic apocalypse, and here Curione diverges from Erasmus: for the Italian humanist there can be no sense of serene superiority over the monks who are ridiculed, as there is for the cultivated and witty Erasmians.
Even among the Lucianic pleasantries, Pasquillus echoes the Reformation theme of the Pauline con- version on the road to Damascus. In this context, any aspiration to a comical representation of a daily life of moderation vanishes, as does the program of educating Epicurean and Christian elites through humour and graceful pleasantry.
Erasmian humour is founded upon a supple manipulation of language; the humour of Curione, rather, derives from violent caricature. The grotesque element emerges forcefully in his portrayal, with its cursive Latin filled with Italianisms: opposites placed side by side stand out all the more. Curione transforms the images of the Legenda aurea Golden Legend into an elaborate caricature. This caricature emphasizes the inconsistencies both of the Catholic theology of good works and of a forensic conception of the Last Judgment, one that ignores the benefit or good favour of Christ.
The anti- thetical structure of Pasquillus naturally calls for a description of the — 27 — Luca D'Ascia Christian heaven, but this description remains sketchy and is hmited to generalities — luminous radiance, Pythagorean musical harmony — that are quite removed from the rich figurative descriptions of the papist heav- en. This different treatment of the two heavens corresponds to their diverse natures: the reformist Christian heaven is Being itself, ousia, and individ- ual entities are absorbed by Christ. The papist heaven, on the other hand, is nothing more than an image, a disquieting product of the imagination.
It is evidently necessary to rediscover in its pure conceptual form the Christian truth that lies behind the imaginative universal. On the other hand, Curione recognizes the existence of an original wisdom common to both Christians and pagans, expressed through images and parables. These have been altered and corrupted by the people, who are deaf to the para- doxical truth of Pythagorean metempsychosis as they are to the teachings of Christ.
The serious tradition can be seen as the presence of the Middle Ages in the Renaissance. It presents an eschatological truth in the form of a privileged revelation, one that is verified during sleep or ecstasy.
- Star Prince (Aurora Book 1);
- Italian Directory - Alberta Edition by Italian Directory - Issuu;
The parodie vision replaces the eschatogical content with an imposture or fraud, either con- scious as in the Boccaccian examples or imposed as in the case of Alberti's Libripeta, who believes he is raving without impunity in the coun- try of dreams, and is punished for his surly misanthropy. The serious vision, as an ecstatic moment in the sermon, constitutes a fundamental aspect of sacred oratory. The parodie vision inserts a critical element into the celebratory nature of the epideictic rhetorical genre as in Valla's In Praise of St.
Thomas Aquinas. Pasquillus extaticus contains both didactic and satiric aspects: revelation is possible only when it involves the demoli- tion of an imposture. The Italian Reformation could not admit any other source of eschatological truth if not the enlightened study of the Bible. Its heaven, stripped of all colour, could only be concretely portrayed as the antithesis of a pagan and papist heaven. The city of the seven walls is not the Celestial Jerusalem, but the City of Dis that has risen to heaven thanks to the miracles of the Anti-Christ.
The Reformation notion of justification — 28 — The Grotesque 'World Beyond' from Boccaccio to Curione by faith alone resulted in the emptying out of hell. It becomes identified rather with that despair of divine mercy that had consumed Francesco Spiera of Cittadella, who had been elevated to the level of symbol of the unhappy conscience.
In this religious context, the lines between sacred and profane, serious vision and parodie vision, literary tradition and grotesque invention, tend to become blurred for Quattrocento writers and for Ariosto too. Hell is neither below the earth nor at the source of the Nile in the mysterious country of the priest Gianni-Senapo: hell is in heaven, at the vertex of the ecclesiastical hierar- chy. The real heaven is hidden behind the appearances of the imposture. The precious gems of the cathedrals more precious when they are mounted on the walls of Paradise are not symbolic of the papist Jerusalem.
Much more symbolic are the mitres, the crosiers, and the other liturgical objects that those gems had ennobled. They have been rendered profane, snatched away from the sac- risties only to be hoarded up in heaven. Like the foolish prayers of the men of the Lucianic tradition, or the obscene materials found in the dreams of Libripeta, they indecently clutter it. The traditional heaven, the one of Aristotle, Ptolemy and Scholastic theology, is reduced to a literary back- drop for mimics, comics and hystrionic Sileni. The Counter-Reformation will once again place the ecstatic vision in all of its sublime seriousness on the altar, but it will not be able to remove the grotesque image of superstition: the parodie vision see Stoll will remain a part of European art right up to the enlightened Romanticism of Goya.
Latin quotations translated by Edward Moore. See Branca Qui cur nulli secundum lacere debeamus ex eo probabant, quod quidam integerrimae vitae frater inter orandum viderit Augustinam, quem summum theologum statuunt, et una Thomam, mirabili utrumque praeditum maiestate, Augustinumque dicentem audierit Thomam esse sibi in gloria parem" Ibid. As to why we should consider him second to none, these men give this proof, that a cer- tain Brother of very holy life, in the midst of his prayer, saw Augustine, whom they consider the greatest of the theologians, and with him Thomas, both surrounded with wondrous majesty, and he heard Augustine declaring that Thomas was equal to him in glory.
Canunt enim semper apud Deum scriptores rerum sanctarum: primum par Basilius et Ambrosius, canens lyra; secundum Nazianzenus et Hieronimus, canens cythara; tertium Chrysostomus et Augustinus, canens psalterio; quartum Dionysus et Gregorius, canens tibia; quintum Damascenus et Thomas, canens cymbalis" Ibid. The Quattrocento audience could not possibly miss the Pauline reference to the "cymbalis," full of science but lacking caritas. This is not the only ironic passage in the Encomium: "So that it may be clear that, though our Thomas Aquinas is a confessor, still he is not for that reason to be relegated to a place below the martyrs; it is my opinion.
Thoma episcopo Cantuariensi, qui tamquam pastor bonus pro grege suo, tie clerus bonis spoliaretur, occubuit" Ibid. Valla, De vero falsoque bono, Q Erasmus, "De pueris statim ac liberaliter instituendis," in Opera omnia. After criticizing teachers for their excessive use of corporeal punishment, Erasmus refers to the severity of the Old Testament, and comments: "Hie quidam occinent nobis Hebraeorum oracula Nunc oportet Hebraeorum dicta civilius interpretati [emphasis added]" However, while the text seems to indicate the pre-existence of souls, the figure of God as creator is com- pletely absent: "Nam ut primum in fluvium umbrarum quaeque descendisset, ita illico infantum ora et membra induisse videbantur, ac deinceps, quo longius flu- vio raperentur, eo illis quidem aetatis et membrorum personis adcrevisse intuebar" Alberti, Opera inedita, The souls declare: "Sumus enim coelestes, ut et ipse tu quidem es, igniculi qui humanitati debemur.
Cf , for example, Artemidorus, "Having a few lice It is likely, however, that the derivation is not direct: Artemidorus's text was not reintroduced into the West until after the fall of Byzantium. The allegorical backdrop is the same: "at the foot of a very high mountain, where human destinies are determined, there runs an impetuous river. Its swift tor- rent is said to swell with the tears of wretches and mourners" The Dream, in Dinner Pieces, Once again, it is the River of Life, exposed to the uncertainties of fortune. The stylistic register, however, is quite different.
Parody is obvious, for example, in the substitution of the grotesque and repugnant old women, used as rafts, for the imperial ships and for the planks of the arts used by men in Fate and Fortune. Another figurative detail common to the two texts are the bladders, which in Fate and Fortune symbolize adulators and in The Dream political power. The Dream emphasizes the expressionistic and grotesque details: thus the rocks of — 31 — Luca D'Ascia Fatum et fortuna become the biting faces of the slanderers that populate the River of Life.
Cf Alberti, Momo o del principe: "Inde igitur [Momus] rem se dignam excogitavit. Universum enim terrarum orbem cimice, tinea, fuconibus, crabronibus, statanionibus et eiusmodi obscenis et sui similibus bestiolis refertissi- mum reddidit" Therefore he [Momus] then devised a plan worthy of him.
For he made the entire world to abound in bed-bugs, maggots, bees, wasps, cock- roaches and foul insects of this sort, which shared his likeness. Cf Ariosto, "Satire, "6. But you, whose study is entirely human. The Satires of Ludovico Ariosto, Nella novella di Ser Chiappelletto a che altro attese che a levarci dal cuore la riverentia et divotione de santi? Teli me, please, you followers of Boccaccio, did he ever attempt, in the novella of Gianotto Giudeo, to do anything other than to make us hate the most holy Roman court, always calling the lives of priests now wicked, now filthy, never real- izing that his own life was far worse than all others?
What was he thinking about when he wrote about Frate Rinaldo, the Angel Gabriel and Don Felice, if not to disgrace holy friars, who are the barrier and the bastion against heretics, and to make us unhappy, as would happen if the holy friars with their good teachings and many good examples did not defend us from the pestilence of heresy? And what else did he set about to do in the novella of Ser Ciappelletto if not to remove from our hearts the reverence and devotion of saints? P[asquillus]: lUum non vidi: sed iussus exire concilium, ante palatium vidi ludentem cum quibusdam Geniis puerulum, de quo cum meum ducem interrogarem, dixit Christum esse, qui ibi luderet, et omnia commisisset matti" M[arphorius]: But where was Christ?
P[asquillus]: I didn't see him, but having been ordered to leave the coun- cil, I saw a little boy playing with some genii in front of the palace. When I asked my guide about him, he said it was Christ who was playing there and who had entrusted all things to his mother. Cf also Erasmus's Religious Pilgrimage. But it was fitting for the Gospel of St. John, "In the beginning was the word," to be hung from the neck; Cf Erasmus, The Exorcism and the Ghost: "On the neck [of the vase] was placed the so-called sacred robe from which the beginning of the Gospel according to St.
John was hanging. In addition, a sacred stole as it is called , with the opening verses of St. The paternity oi]ulius Excludedis a much debated question. I feel that the undoubtedly Erasmian core of the dialogue was reelaborated in a philo-French and openly conciliar direction before the edition of , probably by a humanist from Basel belonging to the circle of Boniface Amerbach. Nevertheless, the attri- butions to Hutten and to Fausto Andrelini are certainly unfounded. Cf Ijsewijn.
This — 33 — Luca D'Ascia heaven is not open to a Momus or a mocker. Pasquino, however, is not impressed: "Risi subito, intra me dicens, Oportet hie muka ridicula esse, quod momos vitant et mimes. I lavori cominciarono nel Si dividono in Murgia costiera, Murgia bassa e Murgia alta. Anche le Murge, nelle zone alte, presentano forme tubolari, ad altopiano leggermente ondulato. Sono attraversate da avvallamenti che dalle zone interne si dirigono sia verso le coste adriatiche che verso quelle ioniche. Maria di Leuca. Una nuova stagione pittorica si apriva con gli Angioini che introducono in Puglia i grandi cicli di affreschi a sfondo didascalico con le decorazioni delle chiese conventuali.
Ancora una volta, estro locale e condizioni storico-politiche determinarono il sorgere di un nostro momento magico, fatto di spettacolo e di persuasione. FOLKLORE PUGLIESE - La Puglia dispone di un patrimonio folcloristico particolarmente interessante che, pur attingendo a usi e costumi delle regioni limitrofe vanta tuttavia canti, leggende, novelle, tradizioni di origine propria, sempre considerando che ogni epoca ha lasciato una particolare impronta nella storia del folclore pugliese.
Alcune trattano di miracoli operati dalla Madonna e dai Santi, altre hanno per protagonisti maghi o diavoli, o sono racconti di gesta e di avventure, di viaggi fantastici e di imprese cavalleresche. Non dimentichiamo infatti che la Puglia rappresentava il passaggio obbligato dei crociati verso la Terra Santa. Non mancano pellegrinaggi, processioni a mare e riti che affondano le loro radici nel paganesimo e nella magia, tipici del resto della cultura contadina.
Putignano - Carro allegorico carnevalesco. Ognuno di questi pilastri porta con se una serie di cibi collaterali, che a grappolo arricchiscono la gastronomia pugliese.
- Zur Beziehung zwischen dem Arendtschen Arbeitsbegriff und ihrem Verständnis von Öffentlichkeit (German Edition).
- Read e-book La felicità araba (Italian Edition);
- MONTGOMERY THE ROYAL MOUSE.
- Bibliography in: Secularisation and the Leiden Circle;
- di maratea italy: Topics by pewahomaci.tk!
Ma i pugliesi le olive le mangiano anche non spremute. Numerosi sono i vini D. Consigliamo di condividerla, mettendo da parte preconcetti e prevenzioni. Oggi la Puglia conta 25 vini a denominazione di origine controllata D. TRANI: mobili, cestineria. LECCE: cartapesta, ferro battuto, tessuti, legno. Dominano anche i frondosi carrubi con i loro nodosi tronchi.
Alcune, ovviamente, uniche. Basta infatti andare a primavera a visitare la Basilica di S. Marco in Lamis a Sannicandro. Dove precisamente si tenne la battaglia di Canne, tra Romani e Cartaginesi, ancora oggi non si sa esattamente. Per Roma fu una disfatta. Pensate, Annibale perse solo 6. In esposizione nella Sala Tropicale: pipistrelli, scoiattoli, pappagalli, coccodrilli, boa, pitoni, cobra, vipere, serpenti a sonagli, tartarughe, ragni, scorpioni pesci tropicali e numerose altre specie.
Un diametro di 27 mt. Solo in Puglia si trovano. Secondo altri i tumoli potrebbero essere tombe di re o di capi preistorici. I menhir salentini sono molto numerosi e sparsi sul territorio, quindi se ne possono individuare un discreto numero semplicemente facendo una passeggiata per le vie di campagna o aguzzando lo sguardo ai bordi delle strade. Nel tre imbarcazioni baresi con 62 marinai a bordo trafugarono da Myra le spoglie di San Nicola e le trasportarono a Bari, ove giunsero il 9 maggio dello stesso anno. La sagra di S. Il 9 maggio la festa si conclude tra riti religiosi e popolari.
Secondo la tradizione popolare la festa risalirebbe al anno della traslazione delle reliquie di santo Stefano protomartire da un monastero della vicina Monopoli nella locale chiesa di S. Affettare le arance e disporle in una coppa. Condirle con sale, olio, cipolle, acciughe e servirle in tavola. Pulire i lampascioni delle guaine esterne, lavarli e lessarli in abbondante acqua. Salarli e lasciarli insaporire per un giorno intero, condirli con olio e aceto. Coprirle con acqua e tenerle a bagno per la notte.
Eliminare la parte scura delle fave. In un tegame mettete in olio i pomodori spezzettati e fateli cuocere per una decina di minuti. Lessate le orecchiette in abbondante acqua salata, quindi colatele e conditele con il cacioricotta e il sugo di pomodro preparato in precedenza. Mescolate bene la pasta e servitela subito ben calda. Il piatto prende il nome dal bianco del formaggio, dal verde della ruchetta e dal rosso del pomodoro.
Mettere in una casseruola gr. Stendere la farina a corona, mettere al centro gr. La pasta non deve risultare troppo dura. Lasciare riposare per 20 minuti. Dopo circa 5 minuti, toglieteli dalla padella e, con un cucchiaino, asportate i molluschi e teneteli da parte. Intanto lessate in abbondante acqua salata gli spaghetti. Portate la padella sul fuoco, fate aprire le cozze, toglietele dal guscio e raccoglietele in una ciotola con il brodo di cottura passato al setaccio.
Condite con sale e Pepe e fate cuocere. Di seppie fresche - gr. In una casseruola far rosolare la cipolla tritata, poi unire le seppie, precedentemente pulite e tagliate a listarelle, e cucinare qualche minuto, poi aggiungere il vino e portare quasi a cottura. Spinate e lavate le alici. Disponetele in una tortiera precedentemente unta, cospargetele con un trito di aglio e prezzemolo e ricopritele con il pane raffermo sbriciolato.
Servire le alici calde. Cospargete le ostriche con abbondante prezzemolo, una spolverata di pangrattato e una bella macinata di pepe fresco. Servite le ostriche calde accompagnandole con spicchi di limone. Fate dorare a fuoco moderato in modo uniforme, poi spruzzate con il vino e lasciatelo evaporare. Soffriggere in una pentola i 3 spicchi di aglio con i 3 cucchiai di olio di oliva extra vergine, poi togliere dal fuoco.
Fare cuocere per alcuni minuti poi aggiungere 2 cucchiai di passato di pomodoro. Amalgamare bene e servire subito. Versare sulla pasta e mescolare bene. Squeeze dry taking care not to break them. Lay them on a plate and spread with a salad made with the peeled, seeded and coarsely chopped tomatoes, oregano, salt, and extra-virgin olive oil. No pepper is necessary with this preparation because the frisedda already has pepper in it. Also known as cima di rapa, broccoli di rape, and rapini. Add salt to taste and the pasta, stir well, and cook until al dente, or according to package instructions.
Add the broccoli rabe to the boiling pasta for the last 2 minutes of cooking time. Meanwhile, in a large frying pan over medium-high heat, warm the olive oil. Drain the pasta and greens, reserving a ladleful of the cooking water. Add the pasta and greens to the frying pan and stir and toss to mix. Add the reserved cooking water as needed to moisten the pasta and toss well so that the olive oil, starch from the pasta, and cooking water form a blended sauce. Transfer to a warmed serving bowl or individual plates and serve immediately. Put plenty of salted on to boil and cook the pasta until al dente.
Halfway through pasta cooking time, put the oil and two anchovies into a pan and fry, stirring. Add the bread crumbs and cook briskly for a few minutes, stirring often. Let it boil in abundant salt water together with cavatelli. Meanwhile chop olives and garlic cloves and let them fry lightly in olive oil and chilli pepper. Fry over a low heat in order not to brown these ingredients. Stir and serve at once. Then cut them into small pieces and slices. Scald the tomatoes in boiling water. Remove them and skin them. Remove the seeds.
Crush the garlic and brown it in oil in an earthenware pot. Let the wine evaporate quickly at a high heat. Dice the parsley and leave a spoonful aside. Salt it and let it cook for 20 minutes. Then remove the garlic. Stir for two minutes at a high heat then sprinkle the dish with the remaining parsley. Then drain and place in a soup kettle with fresh cold water to cover to a depth of one inch. Put the kettle on medium-low heat and when the water commences to boil, lower the heat, cover the kettle, and simmer until the chick-peas are half-cooked-about 45 minutes to 1 hour, depending on the age of the beans.
Add simmering water from time to time, if needed. When the chick-peas are half-cooked, coarsely chop the garlic, onion halves, tomatoes, and celery and add to the pot, along with the bay leaf, chile pepper, salt, and pepper. Continue cooking, adding boiling water as necessary, until the chick-peas are tender. Remove the bay leaf and chile pepper. Serve immediately, garnished with the olive oil and parsley. Line up the sheets of tinfoil on a table. Clean and scale the sheets of tinfoil on a table. Season with the chopped garlic, the capers, the stoned olives, the origano, the choopped parsley, olive oil, salt and, if desired, the diced tomatoes.
Serve still wrapped in the foil. Chop a big handful of parsley with a couple of garlic cloves. Wash themussels, brushing the shell well, then with a knife, open the shell, remove the Mussel and throw away the empty shell. In a pan, put a layer of sliced Onions, sprinkle them with half of the chopped garlic and parsley. On top of that put about gr.
Salt, arrange a layer of sliced Potatoes in the pan half the amount available and spread the Rice over that, after having washed it. Arrange the Mussels on the Rice and sprinkle them with the remaining chopped Parsley and Garlic, the rest of the crushed Tomatoes and all of the sliced Potatoes. Sprinkle the preparation with Olive Oil and cover with plenty of water. Place the cake pan in the oven, leaving it in until the Rice cooks. Can be served warm. Open them out and rinse them.
Place them on paper towels to dry. Chop the parsley and the garlic and mix it with the bread crumb. Oil an oven dish an place a layer of anhovies on the bottom. Sprinkle with the parsley mixture, salt and olive oil. Serve hot or warm. Clean the octopus the smaller the better and rinse them. Put the peeled pIum tomatoes, the olive oil, the octopus, 3 cloves of chopped garlic, salt and pepper into a saucepan with high sides. Chop then tomatoes in small pieces and simmer and peel off the skins, set the aside. Tip the mussels in, covering the pan immediately. Add the tomatoes and the whole chilli pepper.
Meanwhile toast the slices of bread. Garnish with the toasted bread, dress with extra-virgin olive oil. Note: This dish can also be prepared adding potates that have been cut four pieces and mixed altogether with lamb and sprices. Adjust to taste. Put 3 tbsp olive oil into a casserole and heat, add the onions and after ten minutes the peas.
Adjust for salt, add the parsley and a glass of stock and cook gently for 20 minutes or until tender. Fry a clove of garlic until it turns to a golden brown color. Add the tinned tomatoes, a pinch of salt and cook for 30 minutes. Boil half a kilo of potatoes in salty water. Add more salt if needed. Form the potato mixture into rough disc shapes around 10cm in diameter. Pinch the edge of the shapes to form a border.
Deep fry the discs in more olive oil. Drain of the excess olive oil and arrange on a serving try or plate. Prepare tomato sauce with basil separately. Cook them in an oven at for 20 minutes or until done. Remove garlic when brown. Remove the broccoli from the water but do not dry. Let cook until tender but still crisp.
Add salt and serve. Lay them out in a tureen and cover with grated pecorino. Add a layer of washed and still moist rice, the scamorza and the mozzarella, the chilli pepper, chopped parsley and sliced garlic, salt and pepper. Finally, put another layer of artichokes and dress with plenty of olive oil. Cover with just enough water to be absorbed by the artichokes and rice and cook in a hot oven for about 45 min.
Fry in a wide pan with plenty of hot oil. When golden brown, drain and arrange on. Clean the peppers, removing stem, seeds and white pith. Chop into small stripes or squares. Peel the tomatoes by dropping them for a few seconds in boiling water and then removing the skin. Cook till the onions start to brown very slightly. Add the peppers and stir. Cook, stirring occasionally for about 1 hour. Once done, the peppers should be soft but not mashed. The cooking sauce should be rather thick. Add the chopped basil to the peppers and either serve.
Can also be enjoyed next day. Then, cook them in plenty of boiling salted water and drain. Flour them and dip in the beaten eggs. Drain on paper towels and serve immediately. Note: Lampascioni can also be made into an omolet. You put in the center of each a teaspoon of gravy, one piece of mozzarella, salt and pepper; refolded the paste and you will obtain one half moon: push it to the edges for not to make it open. You fry the panzerotti, in hot oil, but not smoking. When swollen and gilded, put then on papaer to take away some oil and serve.
Stir in the yeast water and work it into the dough with your hands. Add the milk and continue cooking another 5 minutes. Then stir in the sugar and cook 5 minutes more. At the end of this time, the leeks should be very soft, almost melting into a sauce. Add the anchovies, black olives, parsley, and tomatoes. Stir to mix well and continue cooking until the sauce is thick and all the liquid has evaporated. Remove from the heat and stir in the drained raisins.
Shape the calzone on a lightly oiled baking sheet or in a round shallow inch pizza pan, lightly oiled. Punch down the dough and divide it in two, one part slightly larger than the other. Set it on the baking pan--if using a pizza pan, the dough circle should come up over the sides. Fold together the top and bottom edges of dough, pulling the bottom edge up over the top edge and pressing evenly to seal. Brush the remaining oil over the top crust, sprinkle with the sugar it will help brown the crust , and prick with a fork. Set aside, covered with a damp cloth, while you heat the oven.
Turn the oven on to degrees F. After 15 minutes, turn the heat down to degrees F. May be served immediately or left to cool to room temperature. Add the. Place in an oiled bowl and cover with plastic wrap Let stand in a warm place until it doubles in volume. Work on one section at a time keeping the rest covered. Form a ring and pinch the ends together. Drop the rings into boiling water a few at a time.