EU Presidency Conferences
Some people think the bills — by opening up more funding for hospitals, too — will return individuals with mental health conditions to asylums. The bills do allow for some additional inpatient stays, which are often necessary for proper diagnosis and treatment plan development. But they do not allow for lengthy custodial institutionalization. Recovery must be the goal of all treatment and services, and we should support efforts — even modest ones — to make sure that people get the amount of inpatient care they need at the time, and afterwards they get access to the community services they need to prevent another hospitalization and thrive in the community.
The bills allow for the sharing of substance use information in integrated health care systems. This sharing will not allow employers and police to see your health information and use it against you — the privacy rule in HIPAA already protects against this.
Allowing information sharing is essential for safety and ensuring that individuals can get access to the care they need. The bills contain a report that examines best practices in training and credentialing peer support specialists who work in clinical settings. This report will be an important first step in ensuring that health plans will reimburse for peer services.
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Nothing about either bill forces peers outside of clinical settings to work under clinicians. The mental health system is deeply broken and underfunded. While these bills lay a foundation for reform, they are still only a beginning. Congress will need to build on them with subsequent legislation to ensure that our mental health system is most effective. It will still need to look at education and employment supports, for example. See 42 U. The links on this page may contain document data that requires additional software to open:. Search form Search.
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What can I do if my insurance company is refusing to approve? Share this page. Myths and Facts About H. The bills are not the same as earlier ones, and there are some important differences.
The bills do not mandate forced treatment. Nothing in either bill will prevent mass shootings. But they will prevent tragic outcomes and the progression of mental illnesses from Stage 1 to Stage 4. Facebook's fortunes have changed radically since Stretch's testimony just five months ago, showcasing the fragility of Facebook's standing in both the markets and public perception. The mere fact that Zuckerberg isn't sending one of his deputies is proof positive of how quickly things have escalated since November.
As has his tone of remorse. Zuckerberg's opening remarks walk through the company's marquee mistakes, including both enabling Russian interference in the election and leaching as many as 87 million users' personal data to the shady political firm Cambridge Analytica. He also comes prepared with a raft of recent improvements Facebook is making to protect user data , make ads more transparent in the future, and prevent bad actors from building huge audiences on the platform so easily. This time around, Zuckerberg will have to do more than apologize away each screw-up.
This time, he'll have to answer for how 14 years of uninhibited growth have enabled Facebook to play an unprecedented, even dangerous role in democracy —a role Zuckerberg seems only on the cusp of understanding.
And those answers may play a crucial role in shaping the laws that regulators at home and abroad place on the embattled tech company and its contemporaries. Last October, the fact that Facebook sold ads to Russia's Internet Research Agency felt like the climax, the culmination of two years in which Facebook both aggressively insinuated itself into the American election and remained willfully blind to the negative consequences. In retrospect, that initial revelation about the IRA feels like just the beginning.
It seemed easy enough at the time for Facebook to minimize the size and scope of the mess it made. But the numbers only grew from there. In his testimony, Stretch revealed that million people had been exposed to Russian propaganda on Facebook. Asked about how many people were reached on Instagram, Stretch ratcheted the figure up another 20 million. As recently as March, the company had still not yet calculated how many people followed Russian trolls on Instagram.
And just last week, it announced that it had found and suspended another nearly accounts and pages linked to the IRA across Facebook and Instagram. Facebook's public shaming continued shortly after the hearings, when the House Intelligence Committee published some of the ads and other content the Russian trolls shared on both Facebook and Twitter.
One Question To Rule Them All
For most people, it was the first concrete look at both the divisiveness and ugliness of the content that rocked the election. The hits kept coming. Just a month later, Mueller published a page indictment of 13 individuals associated with the IRA , which laid out exactly how they "conducted operations on social media platforms such as YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter.
As the news broke, Facebook announced a spate of changes to its political advertising policies, including plans to label political ads as such and create an archive where people can see the ads, who paid for them, and information about how much they cost and who they reached.
In early March, at least, it seemed Facebook had the public relations crisis under control. Over St. What's more, Facebook acknowledged that it had known about the violation since The company tried to preempt the story by suspending both companies, as well as a former SCL employee-turned-whistleblower named Christopher Wylie, and a researcher named Aleksandr Kogan, who gave Cambridge and SCL the data to begin with.
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By that Monday, the company's stock price began to free fall. Suddenly, Facebook was forced to answer not just for its political advertising policies from , but its entire history of data privacy policies , focusing especially on its Social Graph API, which allowed developers to build apps on top of Facebook—and scrape up reams of users' unwitting friend data while they were at it.
Facebook phased those capabilities out in , but the Cambridge Analytica scandal revealed that the company had no mechanism in place to ensure developers weren't sharing and misusing that data.