Leaving the field was not something that occurred after completion of the fieldwork, but an event that took place daily. Although I sometimes stayed on the strolls all night or hung out for several days, I always had a home to return to. I had a house with electricity, a warm shower, a comfortable bed, and a kitchen. My house sat on a street where I had no fear of being shot on my way there and where I did not find condoms or syringes on my doorstep.
During several stages of the study, I had access to a car, which I used to give the women rides or to run errands together. However, I will never forget the cold night when everyone on the street was freezing, and I left to go home. I turned up the heat in my car, and tears streamed down my cheeks.
I appreciated the heat, but I felt more. I truly felt like an outsider, or maybe even more appropriate, a betrayer. Throughout the years of fieldwork, there were a number of times when I left the scene temporarily. For example, when so many people were dying from AIDS, I was unable to ignore the devastating impact of this disease. I needed an emotional break.
Physically removing myself from the scene was common when I experienced dif- ficulty remaining objective. Another time I felt a true hatred for a crack house owner and was unable to adhere to the rules of courteous interactions. Still another time, I got angry with a woman whose steady partner was HIV positive when she failed to ask him to use a condom when they had sex.
I also took temporary breaks from a particular scene by shifting settings and neighborhoods. For example, I would invest most of my time in women from a par- ticular crack house for several weeks. Then I would shift to spending more time on one of the strolls, while making shorter and less frequent visits to the crack house. By shifting scenes, I was able to tell people why I was leaving and to remind all of us of my researcher role. While I focused on leaving the field, I became interested in women who had left the life. It seemed important to have an understanding of their past and cur- rent circumstances.
I knew some of them from the days when they were working, but identifying others was a challenge. There was no gathering place for ex-prosti- tutes. Informal networking, advertisements in local newspapers, and local clinics and community settings allowed me to reach twenty of these women.
Conducting interviews with them later in the data collection process prepared me to ask spe- cific questions. I realized that I had learned enough about the life to know what to ask. Interviewing ex-prostitutes also prepared me for moving from the fieldwork to writing. It is hard to determine exactly when I left the field.
It seems like a process that never ends. Although I was more physically removed from the scene, I continued to be involved while analyzing the data and writing this book. I also have developed other research projects in some of the same communities. For example, both a project on intergenerational drug use and a gender-specific intervention project to help women remain HIV nega- tive have brought me back to the same population.
Some of the women have become key respondents in these new projects, while others now are members of a research team. For example, Beth, one of the women who has left prostitution, works as an outreach worker on another project. The main intention of my work is to provide the reader with a perspective on street prostitution from the point of view of the women themselves. Their stories include justifications such as traumatic past experiences, especially sexual abuse, the lack of love they experienced as children, pressures by friends and pimps,.
The women describe the nature of their initial experiences, which often involved alienation from those outside the life. They also show the differences in the processes between women who work as prostitutes and use drugs and women who do not use drugs. Although all these women work either on the street or in drug-use settings, their lives do differ. The typology distinguishes among a streetwalkers, women who work strolls and who do not use drugs; b hooked prosti- tutes, women who identify themselves mainly as prostitutes but who upon their entrance into the life also began using drugs; c prostituting addicts, women who view them- selves mainly as drug users and who became prostitutes to support their drug habit; and d crack prostitutes, women who trade sex for crack.
For example, the streetwalkers have the most bargaining power, while such power appears to be lacking among the crack prostitutes. Few prostitutes work in a vacuum. Entrepre- neur lovers engage in the life for business reasons. They treat the women as their employees or their property and view them primarily as an economic commodity.
The more successful a woman is in earning them money, the more difficult it is for that woman to leave her entrepreneur pimp. Most prostituting addicts and some hooked prostitutes work for a lover pimp, a man who is their steady partner but who also lives off their earnings. Typically, such pimps employ only one woman. The dynamics in the relationship between a prosti- tute and her lover pimp become more complex when both partners use drugs. Drugs often become the glue of the relationship. For many crack prostitutes, their crack addiction serves as a pimp.
Few plan to exchange sex for crack when they first begin using; often several weeks or months pass before a woman who barters sex for crack realizes that she is a prostitute. Historically, society has blamed prostitutes for introducing sexually transmit- ted diseases into the general population. Yet their pimps and customers are not held accountable. Although most are knowledgeable about HIV risk be- haviors and the ways to reduce their risk, many misconceptions exist. The women describe the complexities of condom use, especially with steady partners but also with paying customers. Many women have mixed feelings about HIV testing, wondering how to cope with a positive test result while no cure is available.
A few of the women already knew their HIV-infected status, and the discussion touches on their dilemmas as well. An ethnography of prostitution must allow the women to describe violence in their neighborhoods as well as violence in prostitution and drug-use settings. The most common violence they encounter is from customers. These men often assume that because they pay for sex they buy a woman. Appar- ently, casual customers pose more of a danger than those who are regulars. The types of abuse the women encounter are emotional, physical, and sexual. In ad- dition to customers, pimps and boyfriends abuse the women.
Finally, the women discuss harassment by law enforcement officers.
When I talked with the women, it often seemed that there were no opportunities to escape from the life. Yet the sixth and final theme must be the escape from prosti- tution. Women who have left prostitution can describe the process of their exit from prostitution. As ex-prostitutes they struggle with the stigma of their past, the chal- lenges of developing a new identity, and the impact of their past on current intimate relationships.
Those who were also drug users often view themselves as ex-prostitutes and recovering addicts, a perspective that seems to create a role conflict. Overall, most ex-prostitutes find that their past follows them like a bad hangover. Based on reading this selection, how is ethnographic research different from other social science approaches to research? What can ethnographic research reveal that other forms of research cannot? What can the use of questionnaires and observational experiments reveal about people that ethnographic research might miss?
What were some of the techniques used by Sterk to enter the field, conduct her research, and leave the field? What problems did she face? What are some of the ethical issues faced by anthropologists when they conduct ethnographic research? We all are subject to naive realism. It is normal for us to accept our cultural perspective as an accurate portrayal of the way the world really is.
Although our naive realism usually goes unnoticed as we function inside our own society, it becomes more obvious when we attempt to communicate with outsiders who possess a different cultural view of reality. This article by George Gmelch, updated for the fourteenth edition of Conformity and Conflict, describes a case of cross-cultural misunderstanding involving an American stu- dent living in a Barbadian village as part of a study abroad program.
She unwittingly as- sumes that villagers are a homogeneous group of which Rastafarians a religious sect are members. By interacting with them, she finds herself shunned by everyone. Her American vision of equality causes her to assume that villagers accepted everyone as equal. She over- looks the existence of class distinctions in this small community characterized by face-to- face relationships. For the past thirty years I have been taking American undergraduates to the field on anthropology training programs in Ireland, Tasmania, and Barbados.
Professional anthropologists are not immune from making such mistakes; in fact there is a small but lively litera- ture about fieldwork in which anthropologists recount their cultural blunders and the revealing consequences that followed. In this essay I describe the predicament of a female American student, Johanna, living in a rural village on the Caribbean island of Barbados.
The trouble, which stems from her associating with people—Rastafarians—her community regards as undesir- ables, speaks to common shortcomings of American students living abroad for the first time. Namely their failure to understand social class and their assumption that others see the world the same way they do—what anthropologists call naive realism. When I arrived Johanna—tall, green eyed, and pretty—was already there. When I walk by, they turn their heads the other way.
Johanna, from a college town in upstate New York where her father taught theater and her mother taught English, had made many friends in her village. In fact, she was enjoying her time in Freeman Hill so much that she fantasized about settling there and teaching school at St. Slowly, the story emerged. Johanna revealed that she had been seeing a Rasta- farian named Joseph, and that some villagers had seen her walking with him into the hills beyond the village. Some thought she must be a drug addict. Rastafari is a movement and way of life more than an organized religion.
It was inspired by the teachings of Marcus Garvey, the Jamaican-born founder of the Uni- versal Negro Improvement Association, in the s and s. Rastafari arrived in Barbados in the s and in urban areas gained many followers among local black youths, who saw it as. Although the subject of considerable local comment, most of the nearby villagers knew very little about them or their beliefs. At first, I thought this an unnecessary declaration, but then I recalled the talk my anthropologist wife, Sharon, had with the female students about prob- lems created by romantic involvements with local men.
With much anguish, Johanna recounted that Thelma wanted her to move out, to leave the village. Johanna had only few weeks left in Barbados. I told her to go back to the village and that I would call on her that evening. A reference to Rastas took on new meaning:.
I was aware that I could be seen by the children on the playground. When Janice got home, she reprimanded me for talking to him. That man is a killer. Even teacher told me to tell you not to talk to him. And teachers know about these things. Later, Johanna described her encounters with the Rastas in more detail. Af- ter walking home from the school yard with Joseph, she had agreed to meet him the following week at the small village shop.
A little discretion might have prevented her liaisons with Joseph from ever being known. Johanna described what happened in her journal:. When I saw Joseph coming down the road, I hopped off the porch to go meet him, and every person within the viewing distance did a double take. His single meal a day usually takes three hours to prepare, so he likes to get it started as soon as possible so he can relax once it gets dark. His place is so simple. You ascend a steep rock incline and step onto a ledge with a panoramic view of the Atlantic.
You step down in a dark, cool, homey cave, about 10 by 20 feet with smooth rocks on the floor, a slender little bed on one side, and a natural stone bench coming out of the wall. He said it took three months process of burning and chipping away at the floor and walls of his cave to make the place livable. I was friendly with two respected elders in Freeman Hill, so I decided to go to them for advice.
I went first to Ezra Cumberbatch, a Pentecostal preacher whose daughters had befriended Johanna; and then to Randall Trotman, a return migrant who had recently resettled in Barbados after a dozen years in England—he had the perspective that comes with having lived in another society.
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Reverend Cumberbatch told me that the Rastas Johanna had been visiting were well known to the village, and that most people, especially the old ones, viewed them as lazy layabouts, who smoked marijuana and stole fruit and vegetables from their gardens. I remembered that one of my neighbors in Josey Hill had cut down his ba- nana tree after Rastas had repeatedly taken the fruit, or so he claimed.
Randall Trotman had a more balanced view. Some of them steal your coconuts and aloe, but others are school teachers and crafts- man and good citizens. Before I left the Trotman home, I asked about a rumored crime I had heard earlier, but had found villagers unwilling to say much about it. Ap- parently a villager, furious about the theft of his crops which could have been taken by monkeys as easily as Rastas , had put poison in some cucumbers.
Randall said two Rastas had died and that the police investigation was inconclusive. Thinking I should meet the Rastas themselves, I set out to visit them. The erosion caused by water trickling down through the coral capstone which overlays nearly all of Barbados had created dozens of large caves. The view was magnificent, down the green cliffs and out across the blue Atlantic. I called out several times but nothing came back. The place was eerily quiet, and I began to question what I was doing there.
What was I going to say if I did find them? That I was there to check them out for the safety of my student? I told Thelma that students some- times innocently violate local norms, but that these misunderstandings were usually easily cleared up and that in the end no one was the worse for it. She responded that my students would all be returning to the United States, leaving behind whatever ill will they created, and that she was the one that would be living in Freeman Hill for the rest of her life.
After sincere assurances from Johanna that she would stay away from the Ras- tas, Thelma finally agreed to let her stay. Although Johanna remained, the villagers had little to do with her during her last weeks there. Exceptions: none. Compared to their English counterparts, American students gener- ally have little understanding of social class, and they perceive the great majority of their fellow Americans as belonging to the middle class.
Similarly, even after weeks in the field, my students typically view the inhabitants of their villages as being fairly homogeneous—all of the same social class. They are not. The students only gradually become aware of class differences from comments by their homestay families about other villagers. And like Johanna, sometimes they also learn about class and status by making mistakes—by violating norms concerning relationships between different categories of people. I doubted that the English university students I once taught, steeped in the meaning of class, would have made the same mistake as Johanna.
But it was not just a lack of awareness; rather, American students often operate on an assumption of personal autonomy. Such an attitude sometimes stems more from what anthropologists call naive realism, the mistaken view that deep down everyone per- ceives the world in basically the same way.
Most were raised in fairly homogeneous suburbs and on college campuses where they typically have little contact with the international students, or even minorities, who might challenge their assumptions. For students like Johanna, Barbados is the first time they have ever lived in another culture, and they arrive with their naive. What dose the term naive realism means? Give some examples from your own experience. What behavior by an American study abroad student offended the Barbadian vil- lagers she lived with? Why was she surprised by their reaction? What did George Gmelch do to mediate the cross-cultural misunderstanding?
How successful was it? Johanna went on to graduate school and is now teaching theater at a small college in New England. Culture is a system of symbols that allows us to represent and communi- cate our experience.
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We are surrounded by symbols: the flag, a new automobile, a diamond ring, billboard pictures, and, of course, spoken words. A symbol is anything that we can perceive with our senses that stands for some- thing else. Almost anything we experience can come to have symbolic meaning. Every symbol has a referent that it calls to our attention. The term lawn, for example, refers to a field of grass plants. When we communicate with symbols, we call attention not only to the referent but also to numerous connotations of the symbol.
Hu- man beings have the capacity to assign meaning to anything they experience in an arbitrary fashion, which allows limitless possibilities for communication. Symbols greatly simplify the task of communication. Once we learn that a word such as barn, for example, stands for a certain type of building, we can communicate about a whole range of specific buildings that fit into the category. And we can com- municate about barns in their absence; we can even invent flying barns and dream about barns. Symbols make it possible to communicate the immense variety of hu- man experience, whether past or present, tangible or intangible, good or bad.
Many channels are available to human beings for symbolic communication: sound, sight, touch, and smell. Language, our most highly developed communica- tion system, uses the channel of sound or, for some deaf people, sight. Language is a system of cultural knowledge used to generate and interpret speech.
It is a feature of every culture and a distinctive characteristic of the human animal. Speech refers to the behavior that produces vocal sounds. Our distinction between language and speech is like the one made between culture and behavior.
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Language is part of culture, the system of knowledge that generates behavior. Speech is the behavior generated and interpreted by language. Every language is composed of three subsystems for dealing with vocal symbols: phonology, grammar, and semantics. Phonology consists of the categories and rules for forming vocal symbols. It is concerned not directly with meaning but with the formation and recognition of the vocal sounds to which we assign meaning.
For example, if you utter the word bat, you have followed a special set of rules for producing and ordering sound categories char- acteristic of the English language. A basic element defined by phonological rules for every language is the phoneme. Phonemes are the minimal categories of speech sounds that serve to keep utterances apart. In English, each of these is a phoneme. Our language contains a limited number of phonemes from which we construct all our vocal symbols.
Phonemes are arbitrarily constructed, however. Each phoneme actually clas- sifies slightly different sounds as though they were the same. Different languages may divide up the same range of speech sounds into different sound categories. The h indicates a puff of air, called. Americans are likely to miss important dis- tinctions among Hindi words because they hear these four different phonemes as a single one. We treat these as two phonemes, whereas Hindi speakers hear them as one.
For them, the English words wine and vine sound the same. Phonology also includes rules for ordering different sounds. Even when we try to talk nonsense, we usually create words that follow English phonological rules. Grammar is the second subsystem of language. Grammar refers to the catego- ries and rules for combining vocal symbols. No grammar contains rules for combin- ing every word or element of meaning in the language. If this were the case, grammar would be so unwieldy that no one could learn all the rules in a lifetime.
Every gram- mar deals with categories of symbols, such as the ones we call nouns and verbs. Once you know the rules covering a particular category, you can use it in appropriate combinations. Morphemes are the categories in any language that carry meaning. They are minimal units of meaning that cannot be subdivided. Morphemes occur in more complex patterns than you may think.
Even more con- fusing, two different morphemes may have the same sound shape. The third subsystem of every language is semantics. Semantics refers to the cat- egories and rules for relating vocal symbols to their referents. Like the rules of gram- mar, semantic rules are simple instructions for combining things; they instruct us to combine words with what they refer to.
A symbol can be said to refer because it fo- cuses our attention and makes us take account of something. Language regularly occurs in a social context, and to understand its use fully it is important to recognize its relation to sociolinguistic rules. Sociolinguistic rules combine meaningful utterances with social situations into appropriate messages. Although language is the most important human vehicle for communication, almost anything we can sense may represent a nonlinguistic symbol that conveys meaning.
The way we sit, how we use our eyes, how we dress, the car we own, the number of bathrooms in our house—all these things carry symbolic meaning. We learn what they mean as we acquire culture. Anthropological linguists also focus on the ways people use metaphors and frame discourses when they speak. Metaphors represent a comparison, usually linguistic, that suggests how two things that are not alike in most ways are similar in another.
For example, we often link passion affection and hatred with temperature, as in affec- tion is warm and hatred is cold. Frames are social constructions of social phenomena. Social frames are often created by media sources, political movements or other social groups to present a particular point of view about something. People can construct frames to advance a particular message they want listeners to hear. Advertisers are expert at creating frames consisting of metaphors that project a message they hope will sell products.
For example, a TV ad for a sleep aid is set with a dark background.
They create a sleep frame by linking darkness, a delicate and soft animal, and quietness, all suggesting restfulness, with the drug they are trying to sell. In short, they put the sleep aid in the frame we normally associate with sleep. The articles in Part Two illustrate several important aspects of language and com- munication. The first article, by Laura Bohannan, illustrates a classic case of cross- cultural miscommunication.
When she tells the classic story of Hamlet to African Tiv elders, the story takes on an entirely different meaning as the Tiv use their own cul- tural knowledge in its interpretation. Guy Deutscher discusses the validity of a classic theory first proposed by Benjamin Lee Whorf in the second article. Deutscher concludes that the truth actually lies somewhere in between these extremes. The third article, by Sarah Boxer, describes how the U. However, she notes how difficult the task is as metaphors can have both positive and negative images. In the final article, Deborah Tannen, illustrates another aspect of language—conversation styles.
Focusing on the different speaking styles of men and women in the workplace, she describes and analyzes how conversational styles themselves carry meaning and unwittingly lead to misunderstanding. All of us use the cultural knowledge we acquire as members of our own society to organize our perception and behavior.
Most of us are also naive realists: we tend to believe our cul- ture mirrors a reality shared by everyone. But cultures are different, and other people rarely behave or interpret experience according to our cultural plan. In this article, Laura Bohannan describes her attempt to tell the classic story of Hamlet to Tiv elders in West Africa. At each turn in the story, the Tiv interpret the events and motives in Hamlet using their own cul- tural knowledge. The result is a very different version of the classic play and an excellent example of cross-cultural miscommunication.
He was, after all, a very English poet, and one can easily misinterpret the universal by misunderstanding the particular. I protested that human nature is pretty much the same the whole world over; at least the general plot and motivation of the greater tragedies would always be clear—everywhere— although some details of custom might have to be explained and difficulties of translation might produce other slight changes.
To end an argument we could not conclude, my friend. It was my second field trip to that African tribe, and I thought myself ready to live in one of its remote sections—an area difficult to cross even on foot. I eventually settled on the hillock of a very knowledgeable old man, the head of a homestead of some hundred and forty people, all of whom were either his close relatives or their wives and children. Like the other elders of the vicinity, the old man spent most of his time performing ceremonies seldom seen these days in the more accessible parts of the tribe.
I was delighted. Soon there would be three months of enforced isolation and leisure, between the harvest that takes place just before the rising of the swamps and the clearing of new farms when the water goes down. Then, I thought, they would have even more time to perform ceremonies and explain them to me. I was quite mistaken. Most of the ceremonies demanded the presence of elders from several homesteads.
As the swamps rose, the old men found it too difficult to walk from one homestead to the next, and the ceremonies gradually ceased. As the swamps rose even higher, all activities but one came to an end. The women brewed beer from maize and millet. Men, women, and children sat on their hillocks and drank it. People began to drink at dawn. By midmorning the whole homestead was sing- ing, dancing, and drumming. When it rained, people had to sit inside their huts: there they drank and sang or they drank and told stories.
In any case, by noon or before, I either had to join the party or retire to my own hut and my books. Come, drink with us. Before the end of the second month, grace descended on me. I was quite sure that Hamlet had only one possible interpretation, and that one universally obvious. Early every morning, in the hope of having some serious talk before the beer party, I used to call on the old man at his reception hut—a circle of posts supporting a thatched roof above a low mud wall to keep out wind and rain.
One day I crawled through the low doorway and found most of the men of the homestead sitting hud- dled in their ragged cloths on stools, low plank beds, and reclining chairs, warming themselves against the chill of the rain around a smoky fire. In the center were three pots of beer. The party had started. The old man greeted me cordially. Then I poured some more into the same gourd for the man second in seniority to my host before I handed my calabash over to a young man for further distribution. Your servants tell me that when you are not with us, you sit inside your hut look- ing at a paper.
The messenger who brought him let- ters from the chief used them mainly as a badge of office, for he always knew what was in them and told the old man. Personal letters for the few who had relatives in the government or mission stations were kept until someone went to a large market where there was a letter writer and reader.
Since my arrival, letters were brought to me to be read. A few men also brought me bride price receipts, privately, with. I found moral arguments were of no avail, since in-laws are fair game, and the technical hazards of forgery difficult to explain to an illiterate people. Storytelling is a skilled art among them;. I protested in vain. This morning they wanted to hear a story while they drank. They threatened to tell me no more stories until I told them one of mine.
The old man handed me some more beer to help me on with my storytelling. Men filled their long wooden pipes and knocked coals from the fire to place in the pipe bowls; then, puffing contentedly, they sat back to listen. One night three men were keeping watch outside the homestead of the great chief, when suddenly they saw the former chief approach them. It was an omen sent by a witch. Go on. Slightly shaken, I continued.
The second elder looked triumphantly at the first. He vanished, and they could see him no more. There was a general shaking of heads around the circle.
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Or was this son the chief? His question barely penetrated my mind; I was too upset and thrown too far off balance by having one of the most important elements of Hamlet knocked straight out. The old man told me severely that these genea- logical details made all the difference and that when I got home I must ask the elders about it. He shouted out the door to one of his younger wives to bring his goatskin bag.
Determined to save what I could of the mother motif, I took a deep breath and began again.
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There was no need for her to do so, and it is our custom for a widow not to go to her next husband until she has mourned for two years. There was no need for her to remarry. I gave up. Furthermore, Hamlet would be the next chief: therefore he must stay to learn the things of a chief. Hamlet agreed to remain, and all the rest went off to drink beer.
How else can he brew beer and prepare food. It was better, they returned, for a chief to have many wives and sons who would. I decided to skip the soliloquy. The dead chief again appeared, and al- though the others were afraid, Hamlet followed his dead father off to one side. Seeing him might have been an omen,. An omen? It was not a dead body the witches had animated to sacrifice and eat.
He did it himself. I was quite willing to compromise. But again they objected. The old man quelled the babble of disbelief that rose immediately and told me. He wanted Hamlet to avenge him. His name was Polonius. Hamlet was courting his daughter, but her father and her brother. After all,. Polonius was afraid that if Hamlet made love to his daughter, then no one else would give a high price for her.
Polonius sounds like a fool to me. Because he was afraid that Laertes might waste a lot of money on beer and women and gambling, or get into trouble by fighting, he sent one of his servants to Paris secretly, to spy out what Laertes was doing. He behaved so oddly he frightened her. Many people thought that he had become mad. Hamlet, seeing that they had been bribed by the chief to betray him, told them nothing. Polonius, however, insisted that Hamlet was mad because he had been forbidden to see Ophelia, whom he loved.
I stopped being a storyteller, took out my notebook and demanded to be told more about these two causes of madness. Even while they spoke and I jotted notes, I tried to calculate the effect of this new factor on the plot. Hamlet had not been exposed to the beings that lurk in the forest. Only his relatives in the male line could bewitch him. Barring relatives not mentioned by Shakespeare, it had to be Claudius who was attempting to harm him. And, of course, it was. For the moment I staved off questions by saying that the great chief also refused to believe that Hamlet was mad for the love of Ophelia and nothing else.
Hamlet was sure the great chief could not hear the story without making a sign if he was indeed guilty, and then he would discover whether his dead father had told him the truth. The old man interrupted, with deep cunning. Hamlet was a fool not to go to one skilled in reading omens and di- vining the truth in the first place.
A man-who-sees-the-truth could have told him how his father died, if he really had been poisoned, and if there was witchcraft in it; then Hamlet could have called the elders to settle the matter. Brave as they might be, every man shivered at the sight. Geoffroi de Villehardouin was a major figure in the Fourth Crusade, as well as one of its most engaging historians. He was a hero of the first years of the 'Latin' Empire of Constantinople, established on the ruins of the Byzantine Empire in His nephew and name- sake was destined to rule as Prince of the Morea the mountainous peninsula known to classicists as the Peloponnese and to establish a French dynasty there.
If Geoffroi de Villehardouin says that brave crusaders shivered at their first sight of Constantinople, as they sailed along the shore of the Sea of Marmara under its walls, that is what they really did. Even then it already had a legendary history and a down-to-earth history as well. The Argonauts had passed this way, in one of the best known of Greek mythological tales, on their way to the land of the Golden Fleece; they had navigated the Bosporus and dodged the Symplegades or 'Clashing Rocks'.
As for the down- to-earth history, there was a settlement on the site of Byzantion, as archaeology confirms, as early as the twelfth century Be. When we come to the colonization itself, the well known story is that the first band of Greeks to seek a site in this neighbourhood had recently settled on the opposite side of the Bosporus, named by them Kalkhedon and known now as Kadikoy.
It was not a bad place, but when the Delphic Oracle was next asked by the small city of Megara west of Athens to advise on a site for a colony, the response was: 'found your settlement opposite the blind men'. The Megarians obeyed this ordinance and established a colony at Byzantion, a site so much better than that of Kadikoy that the earlier colonists must, indeed, have been blind to have overlooked it.
Whether they 'founded' it by agreement with its existing inhabitants, or after expelling or enslaving them, no one knows. Byzantion, in Greek hands, soon outshone its mother city of Megara. It was a site of spectacular beauty, unmatched in its potential for trade. This was where you began the short, though difficult, journey up the narrow Bosporus. Every ship that travelled from the , Although a well-known story Strabo, Geography 7. Herodotus Histories , a much earlier source, attributes tbe observation to a perceptive Persian and not to any divine oracle. Every cargo from the Black Sea and its shores must pass this way to reach the wider world.
Not only that: Byzantion was rich from its own produce too. Once a year, great shoals of tunny more precisely, bonito descend the Bosporus en route for the Mediterranean. The economic significance of this to Byzantion is best explained by the Roman geographer Strabo: The Horn, which is close to the Byzantians' city wall, is an inlet extending about 60 stadia towards the west.
It resembles a stag's horn, being split into several inlets, branches as it were. Into these the young tunny stray, and are then easily caught because of their number and the force of the following current and the narrowness of the inlets; they are so tightly confined that they are even caught by hand.
These creatures originate in the marshes of Maio tis [Azov], and, getting a little bigger, escape through its mouth [the Straits of Kerch] in shoals, and are swept along the Asian coast to Trapezous and Pharnakeia. That is where the tunny fishery begins, though it is not a major activity, because they have not yet reached full size. As they pass Sinope they are more ready for catching and for salting. When they have reached the Kyaneai and entered the strait, a certain white rock on the Kalkhedonian side so frightens them that they cross to the opposite side, and there the current takes them: and the geography at that point is such as to steer the current towards Byzantion and its Horn, and so they are naturally driven there, providing the Byzantians and the Roman people with a considerable income.
The emperors at Constantinople Constantine I, the first Christian Emperor of Rome, was as good at choosing sites for cities as the Greek settlers who had preceded him by a thousand years. In AD he selected Byzantion to be his new eastern capital, the second Rome. The table on the following pages shows the emperors who succeeded Constantine omitting some very ephemeral figures with the dates at which they reigned. It includes the 'Latin' emperors who ruled Constantinople between and The third column gives an approximate date to some of the important events mentioned in this book and to many of the writings that are translated and quoted here.
Byzantine historians had no consistent equivalent to the traditional Roman numerals that go with the names of monarchs. Throughout this book I have added these Roman numerals to translated extracts, or in the surrounding text, to make it easier to identifY individuals in this table. At first Constantinople was, to put it at the very highest, Rome's junior equal. The vast Roman Empire had been administratively divided into two in , in an arrangement first put into effect by the reforming emperor Diocletian , and Constantinople was chosen by Constantine to be the capital of the eastern half.
The two halves of the Empire had very different fates. So did the two capital cities. Rome soon gave way to Milan as western capital, and in the Western Empire was finally extinguished. Meanwhile the eastern emperors maintained themselves in what was for quite long periods a stable monarchy - albeit interrupted by changes of dynasty, sometimes violent, sometimes peaceful. The emergence of one such new dynasty is thus narrated by the historian Procopius: When Leo I occupied the imperial throne of Byzantium, three young farmers of Illyrian origin, Zimarchus, Dityvistus, and Justin who came from Vederiana They covered the whole distance to Byzantion on foot, carrying on their own shoulders cloaks in which on their arrival they had nothing but twice-baked bread that they had packed at home.
I This young farm boy Justin would eventually become the emperor Justin I, father of the lawgiver and conqueror Justinian I, who was hero of Pro cop ius' eight books of wars and villain of the same author's Secret History. The second sentence of the extract just quoted above can also be found - abridged, unattributed and omitting the names - in two of the manuscript dictionaries that were compiled in Constantinople in later Byzantine times, several centuries after Procopius.
They did not need to mention the names: everyone who was likely to use them would know Procopius' work and would recall this story of Justin's youth. But what was the 'twice-baked bread' that Justin and his two comrades carried in their knapsacks? Procopius, like many Byzantine authors, did his best to write strictly classical Greek. He knew very well that the everyday word he would have liked to use here was simply unaccep- table: it was to be found in no classical author.
So he used instead a , Procopius, Secret History 6. Translation after G. Zonaras, one of those two later lexicographers, kindly gives us a hint as to Procopius' meaning. And Zonaras is right. At this crucial moment - the long walk of Justin I - the paximadi emerges into the bright light of history; a thick slice of barley bread, baked till bone-dry and almost bone-hard, that still offers the basis of many a simple Greek meal. We know a good deal about the wars that Byzantine emperors fought.
We know too much about the sectarian controversies in which they engaged with greater or less enthusiasm. We know rather little about what these emperors were like, individually, in everyday life. Byzantine history is fairly well covered by a series of narrative histories written by contemporaries, but these histories seldom strike the personal note.
There are just a few texts that seem to give us palace life as it really was. Procopius' fiercely critical, indeed scurrilous, Secret History is one of them. A few centuries later we can turn to the dry and observant court memoirs of the scholar Michael Psellus, entitled Chronographia. This is how Psellus introduces one of the thirteen emperors under whom he lived: Constantine VIII was very big in stature, over eight feet tall, and had a fairly strong physique. His stomach was strong, too, and his constitution was well able to deal with whatever he ate. He was a highly skilled mixer of sauces, seasoning his dishes with colours and flavours so as to arouse the appetite of all types of eaters.
He was ruled by food and sex. His self-indulgence had brought on a disease of the joints. Both feet, in particular, were so bad that he could not walk, and ever since he became emperor no one knew , Zonaras, Lexicon s. This, with other similar definitions, will be found in the phrase-book chapter 8 s. I Constantine VIII was, so far as we now know, the only amateur chef in the whole list of Byzantine emperors later we shall encoun- ter an empress who was an amateur blender of perfumes. Not long afterwards, with the successful revolt in by the brothers Alexius and Isaac Comnenus, we are reminded that food can serve as a potent metaphor.
The source is Alexius' daughter Anna, who wrote her father's life. The first secret moves toward revolution, she tells us, were reported in a coded message sent to a trusted sympathizer: "'We have prepared an excellent dish, well sauced. If you would like to share the festivity, come as soon as you can to join our meal".
This powerful work, written after the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in , is at the same time a private history of the doomed court, a public history of the fall of Empire and a lament over what had been lost. It happens to show us, in the portrait of Alexius's grandson, Manuel I Comnenus, that this populist emperor used the food metaphor in a completely different way. On another occasion Manuel had spent the day at the Palace at Blachernae. Returning from there late in the evening he passed the saleswomen who had street food - 'snacks', in everyday speech - out on display.
He suddenly felt like drinking the hot soup and taking a bite of cabbage. One of his servants, called Anzas, said that they had better wait and control their hunger: there would be plenty of proper food when they got home. Giving him a sharp glance Manuel said rather crossly that he would do exactly what he pleased.
He went straight up to the bowl that the market woman was holding, full of the soup that he fancied. He leaned over, drank it down , Pselius, Chronographia 2. Then he took out a bronze stater and handed it to one of his people. Until his time, Byzantine history is a history oflong and slow shrinkage, balanced to some degree by the extension of Byzantine cultural influence far beyond the borders of the Byzantine state. After Manuel's death the decline becomes a collapse from which there is no recovery.
The rulers that follow him have neither the time nor the skill to govern. The great city at the sight of which Geoffroi de Villehardouin and his fellow-crusaders shiver in - only twenty-three years after Manuel's death - will be a great city no longer when they have done their work. The Empire re-established by Michael Palaeologus in is a small, weak, almost bankrupt realm, an Empire only by courtesy.
Soon it is a mere city-state, tributary to the Turkish Empire, to which it will fall in Whereupon the Turkish court, most recently established at Adrianople, was immediately moved to Constantinople, which now entered upon its new role as capital of the Ottoman Empire. And so - to look ahead beyond the time-frame of this book - Byzantion and Constantinopolis were reborn under a third name. This name - the one that the great city still bears - betrays its timeless status as metropolis.
What is the origin of Istanbul? It is the medieval Greek peasant's answer to the typical question posed by a stranger anywhere near Constantinople. Where can I buy food and wine? Where will I find lodging tonight? This was, without rival, 'the City'. The stater and obolos are ancient Greek terms, adopted by Nicetas here to keep up the tone of his narrative. In its origin it was the Greek-speaking half of an Empire founded by Latin speakers. Its founding marks the moment when Christianity became the state religion of the Roman Empire. Constantine's mother Helena was Christian and he himself was baptized on his deathbed.
All his successors were Christian with the single exception of Julian. Constantinople was thus the capital of a great Christian empire with a magnificent inheritance of pagan literature, art and philosophy. After the division in , Latin, though the mother tongue of only a small proportion of the Eastern Empire's subjects, remained for some hundreds of years an official language of administration in the East.
Latin, or rather the Romance speech of the Balkans, was still the language of command in the Byzantine army. So we are not surprised to find names of foods that seem to have Latin roots. There is boukellaton Latin bucellatum , the ring-shaped dry loaf typical of the rations for which the auxiliary armies depended on their com- manders.
There is phouska Latin posca , the watery, vinegary wine that was typical of soldiers' drinking in early Byzantine times. There is konditon Latin conditum , the famous spiced wine aperitif oflate Rome and Constantinople. Then there are rodakina, peaches, whose Greek name seems to describe these fruits as 'rosy' Greek rodos'rose' but actually derives from the old Latin variety name duracina 'clingstone'.
All the peoples of the Empire were naturally represented in the population of Constantinople. So Ignatius of 5molensk, member of a party of Russian pilgrims, was able to find homely food and familiar company at the monastery of 5t John the Baptist: 'On the first of July we went to the Monastery of 5t John Prodromus, which means "the Forerunner", and worshipped. The Russians who live there enter- tained us splendidly. It was these, we must suppose, who introduced the novel delicacy of rengai 'herrings' to late medieval Constantinople.
Arabs and other Muslims had a settled community in Constantinople and achieved freedom of worship by treaty in the course of the twelfth century. Arab historians tell of the day on which Islamic worship was first practised publicly in the city. The ship brought a preacher, a pulpit, several muezzin and Koran reciters.
Their entrance into Constantinople was a day noteworthy in the history of the religion The preacher mounted the pulpit and pronounced the liturgical prayer in honour of the Abbasid Caliphate, in presence of all the faithful and of the resident merchants. Crete had been Arab territory from ro 96r; that is why Cretans and Arabs are listed rogether.
Venetians and Amalfitans both had special relationships with the Empire, which is why they are distin- guished from the 'Italians', the remaining peoples ofItaly. The Pigmaticans are unknown, at least to me. If you want to know why the English were there, read on. This may be the earliest reference to the cinnamon of Sri Lanka.! How much blending of local traditions went into the Byzantine culinary melting-pot? There is plenty of evidence that the blending took place. We shall encounter some fine flavours inherited from early Greece, notably the fish kephalos 'grey mullet', labrax 'bass' and many others that were just as important to the gourmets of Constantinople as they had been to those of Athens.
We shall find tastes introduced long ago from the early Greek colonies: garos, for example, the fermented fish sauce first encountered as a product of the northern Black Sea coast, later to become ubiquitous in the food repertoire of the Romans, by whom it was more often called liquamen. Some favourite foods indicate by their names that the Romans of the early Empire had brought them into fashion: laktenta 'sucking pigs'; konditon 'spiced wine'. A new focus on Asia Minor, natural consequence of the establishment of Constantinople as Imperial capital, leads to important gastronomic discoveries, such as the gazelle, the 'deer commonly called gazelia' noted by Simeon Seth On the Properties ofFoods p.
For the same reason the Black Sea and its great rivers became the sources of new fish specialities with strange northern names, including the sturgeons mourzoulin and berzitikon and their caviar khabiarin. The end result was a massive amount of cultural exchange. The paximadia in Justin 1's knapsack were a standby that was well known Empire-wide, to judge by later derivatives of the name: these extend from Venetian pasimata, Croatian peksimet and Romanian pesmet to Turkish beksemad and Arabic bashmat, baqsimat. As Arab power expanded, much of Byzantium's eastern trade came under Arab control; hence the Arabic names of foods, especially spices, became well known in later Constan- tinople, sometimes supplanting the native name, as did nanakhoua for older ammi 'ajowan'.
Eastern spices and aromatics that were wholly unknown in the earlier Mediterranean include iasmion 'jasmine' and koubebe 'cubebs'. Greeks and others: some travellers to Byzantium We will never quite know how ancient Greek cuisine tasted to those to whom it was unfamiliar: all we know of these ancestral flavours is what ancient consumers happen to say about them. We have very little idea how the banquets of the Roman Empire tasted to outsiders, since no Indian or Persian adventurer has left us a record of the grandeur and decline of Rome.
Constantinople marks a new stage in our ability to recreate the past. The Western Roman Empire had collapsed, but its culture still thrived, ever more distinct from that of the east. Egypt and the Levant passed from Byzantine into Arab sway. From both of these regions, culturally independent of and sometimes opposed to the Byzantine Empire, traders, ambassadors and warriors crossed the frontier and visited the city.
That is why we know how Constantinople seemed from the outside. Among the most lively and opinionated are those of Liutprand, bishop of Cremona, who visited Constantinople, acting as ambassador of Berengarius, regent of Lombardy, in His two reports are very different in tone. In he was a young man, not at all a practised diplomat, and he had been deliberately starved of funds by his own monarch. It is clear that he was favourably impressed by the real friendship shown to him by the Emperor Constantine VII Porphyro- gennetos. I Here Liutptand describes one of the entertainments at Christmas dinner at the Palace in we shall hear more of the same dinner later.
Then two boys appeared, naked except for loincloths around their middles, who went up the pole, did various tricks on it, and then came down head first, keeping the pole all the time as steady as though it were rooted in the earth. When one had come down, the other remained on the pole and performed by himself: that filled me with even greater astonishment and admiration. While they were both performing, their feat seemed barely possible; for, wonderful as it was, the evenness of their weights kept the pole up which they climbed balanced.
But when one remained at the top and kept his balance so accurately that he could both do his tricks and come down again without mishap, I was so bewildered that the Emperor , The honorific title was given to those fortunate princes and princesses who chanced to have been 'born in the Purple Chamber', the empress's apartments at the Palace. If you were to have a reasonable chance of achieving this, your father had to be Emperor at the time, and your mother had to be a stay-at-home, not one of the more energetic empresses who travelled and campaigned with her husband.
Translation by F. Liutprand, reporting home in Latin, likes to drop into his text a few apposite words of Greek that he heard or spoke. He therefore called an interpreter, and asked me which seemed the more amazing, the boy who had moved so carefully that the pole remained firm, or the man who had so deftly balanced it on his head that neither the boys' weight nor their performance had disturbed it in the least. I replied that I did not know which I thought thaumastoteron, more amazing; and he burst into a loud laugh and said he was in the same case, he did not know either.
On his second embassy, twenty years later, a maturer and more cynical Liutprand was faced with Nicephorus II Phocas, who had no liking for Liutprand or Otto I, no interest in their aims and no time left for diplomacy. Nicephorus may be forgiven if he was feeling insecure: he was actually about to be butchered by his wife's lover, who then supplanted him to become John I Tzimisces. This time, for whatever combination of reasons, Liutprand was treated with mistrust. His report is always critical, often caustic, sometimes bitter, whether he is speaking of Constantinople itself or of a far-off province: On the sixth of December we came to Leucas, where, as by all the other bishops, we were most unkindly received and treated by the bishop, who is a eunuch.
In all Greece - I speak the truth and do not lie - I found no hospitable bishops. They are both poor and rich: rich in gold coins wherewith they gamble recklessly; poor in servants and utensils. They sit by themselves at a bare little table, with a paximacium in front of them, and drink their own bath water, or, rather, they sip it from a tiny glass. They do their own buying and selling; they close and open their front doors themselves; they are their own stewards, their own donkey-men, their own capones - I meant to say caupones, 'innkeepers', but I have written capones, 'eunuchs', which is all too true and against canon law.
And the other is against canon law too. Others, generally, found the city impressive, and this is not surprising. With at least half a million inhabitants it was the biggest city they would ever see. More than that, they found it magical and fearsome. Stephen of Novgorod, one of the numerous Russian pilgrims who passed through Constantinople, may be allowed to speak for many of them: 'The entrance to Constantinople is as if you were in a vast forest, and you cannot find your way without a good guide. If you try to find your way cheaply or stingily, you will not be able to see or kiss a single saint, except, perhaps, that you can do so if it is that saint's feast day.
She surpasses other cities in wealth, and she surpasses them in vice. Occasionally we are told how outsiders and their food appeared to those of the City. The adventurers of the Fourth Crusade, though overawed by their first view of Constantinople as Geoffroi de Villehardouin described it, succeeded in seizing the city and its empire in Translation afi:er EA.
The classical couplet that Liutprand quotes is taken not quite accurately from a Latin epigram by Martial The paximacium is the same barley biscuit packed by Justin I in his knapsack. II; Odo of Deui! It lay at the meeting place of two continents, as we are reminded in reading an early Byzantine poet's appreciation of a palace on the shores of the Bosporus, just north of the city: Where the land is cut in two by the winding channel whose shores open the way to the sea, our divine emperor erected this palace for his most illustrious consort Sophia.
Liutprand, on his second mission, was summoned to a meeting with the emperor Nicephorus eis Pegas 'at the Springs', half a mile west of the city, where there was a monastery, a palace and a royal park running down to the shore of the Sea of Marmara. For Liutprand it was an uncomfortable occasion he had a headache and hadn't wanted to go but most visitors found this a beautiful place. Russian pilgrims, in and after, made special excursions to these , Marianus, 'The Palace of Sophianae' [Anthologia Palatina 9. Translation by WR. They were told of the miraculous little fish that swam in those healing waters,!
Fishermen brought their produce ashore daily to many small harbours near the City; the harbour of Region or Rygin, where you could buy grey mullet, was only a stone's throw from the 'Springs'. The enthusiasm for fish at Constantinople fully matched that at classical Athens, as we are reminded by an amusing exchange in the satirical squib Timarion. The hero, unexpectedly visiting Hades, is accosted by a resident: 'Welcome, newly-dead! How many mackerel do you get for an obol? What's the price of oil? Wheat, and all the rest of it? And I forgot the most important thing: how's the whitebait catch?
I used to enjoy shopping for whitebait when I was alive - I liked it better than sea bass. Both fisher- man and farmer offer me pleasing presents, from sea and land. Those who rest in me are soothed either by the song of birds or the sweet call of the ferryman. The poet allowed himself a smile as he thus , Liutprand, Embassy ; 'Anonymous Traveller' see Majeska p.
The author of Timarion is possibly the twelfth-century writer Nicholas Callicles so Romano pp. Translation after W. The waters around Constan- tinople were criss-crossed by ferry services, an everyday essential for the suburbs and satellite cities of the great capital. In its last years, Christian Constantinople is frequently said to have been a rather empty city, and for this reason more fruitful than the big cities of Western Europe. Bertrandon, a Burgundian noble, travelled East for political reasons in Brocardus has to admit that Constantinople is a very big city his readers would, after all, be familiar with earlier and impressive descriptions such as that of Geoffroi de Villehardouin but he skilfully plays down the dangers.
Although the city is large, only a modest number of people live there in relation to its size. Barely a third of the city is inhabited. The rest is made up of gardens or fields or vineyards or waste land. The population consists of fishermen, merchants, artisans and cultivators. The nobles are few in number: they are as weak as women and as fearful as Jews. Those walls may always have enclosed a fair proportion of market gardens and vineyards among the buildings. Earlier descrip- tions, however, suggest the opposite; the impression we get from them is of an overcrowded city.
Why did he write his book? A side effect of a successful Crusade might well have been Brocardus's restoration to his diocese of Smyrna, which had just been captured by the Turks. There murders and robberies and other crimes of the night are committed. People live untouched by the law in this city, for all its rich men are bullies and many of its poor men are thieves.
A criminal knows neither fear nor shame, for crime is not punished by law and never comes entirely to light. Liutprand of Cremona, in his early Antapodosis, tells a lively though unlikely story of how the Emperor Leo VI the Wise had been caught out by his own excellent night watch arrangements and, as a result, had spent a night in prison. Liutprand himself, on the later visit reported in his Embassy, had cause to regret the efficiency of Constantinople's state security.
Guards were placed to prevent myself and my people from leaving my house. Any poor people of Latin speech who came asking charity were seized and killed or imprisoned. My Greek interpreter was not allowed to go out, even to buy food. We had to send the cook, who did not know Greek and could only speak to the shopkeeper with signs or nods: he paid four nummi for supplies that the interpreter had bought for one.
If any friends sent spices, loaves of bread, wine, or fruit, the guards smashed the gifts on to the ground and drove the messengers away with their fists. At the other churches, even St Sophia, no service takes place on Good Friday. II, Embassy On the feast of the Ascension crosses are woven of roses, then in flower, and one of them is presented to the emperor. On Palm Sunday palm leaves, marjoram and other seasonal aromatic plants are made into wreaths for presen- tation by the emperor to the members of the Senate in the church of St Demetrius.
The spice market is now a familiar feature ofIstanbul. Long before the city had this name it was already a focus oflong distance trade, and in those days spices and aromatics were among the most important and the most costly trading commodities. All the extravagance of mortals and their expensive dishes, by the time they are excreted here, have lost their charm. The pheasants and fishes, the spice and herb mixtures pounded in the mortar, and all such fancy preparations, here turn into dung. The belly rids itself of all that the ravenous throat took in, and a man sees at last that in the pride of his foolish heart he spent all that gold on nothing bur dirt' Agathias [Anthologia Palatina 9.
The poet and historian Agathias, according to another poem in the same anthology, was honorary 'father of the city' of Smyrna and paid for the rebuilding of these public toilets himself: he wrote a total of four epigrams on them - one for each wall, perhaps. I [pp. Naturally the trade in aromatics figures prominently in the Book of the Eparch, most obviously in the chapter dealing with myrepsoi 'perfumiers'. These tradesmen dealt not only in perfumes and dyes but also in the spices that were used in food, drink, medicines and incenses.
Every perfumier shall have his own shop, and not invade another's. Members of the guild are to keep watch on one another to prevent the sale of adulterated products. They are not to stock poor qualiry goods in their shops: a sweet smell and a bad smell do not go together. They are to sell pepper, spikenard, cinnamon, aloeswood, ambergris, musk, frankincense, myrrh, balsam, indigo, dyers' herbs, lapis lazuli, fustic, storax, and in short any article used for perfumery and dyeing.
Their stalls shall be placed in a row between the Milestone and the revered icon of Christ that stands above the Bronze Arcade, so that the aroma may waft upwards to the icon and at the same time fill the vestibule of the Royal Palace When the cargoes come in from Chaldaea, Trebizond or elsewhere, they shall buy from the importers on the days appointed by the regulations Importers shall not live in the Ciry for more than three months; they shall sell their goods expeditiously and then return home No member of the guild may purchase grocery goods or those sold by steelyard.
Perfumiers shall only buy goods that are sold by weight on scales Any perfumier who currently trades also as a grocer shall be allowed to choose one or other of these trades, and shall be forbidden henceforth to carryon the trade that he does not choose. I This translation is based on the standard one by E.
Hence there are several Arabic loanwords in the text, barzen 'balsam', loulakhi 'indigo' and lazouren 'lapis lazuli'.
queen zesta return of the evil magical adventure Manual
Byzantine control of Trebizond, a possible terminus of the Silk Road at the eastern end of the Black Sea, did not prevent an Arab monopoly over the trade in eastern exotics: the Silk Road passed through Iran, which was itself under Arab rule. Some of the demand for spices and aromatics came from religion. To assist their customers and increase their profits, dealers set up stalls in the precinct of St Sophia, and apparently sometimes right inside the great church. They continued to do so in spite of the Canons: the later commentary by Zonaras and Theodore Balsamon draws attention to the problem.
These deserve severe punishment,' the lawyers impotently insist. For reasons that will become evident, Constantinople was fascinated by , Freshfield supposes that there are green herbs in the second half of the list, which in fact consists of dyeing products: instead oflapis lazuli he writes 'mint', while for Greek zygaia his wild guess is 'capers'. This word was a mystery to me too, until I came across the narra- tive of the Russian pilgrim Daniel, who describes the harvesting of storax resin in southern Asia Minor and uses this same term for it Daniel, Pilgrimage 4. The interpretation of lazouren as 'lapis lazuli' seems unproblematic and is confirmed by orher texts see Kriaras In addition to these misunderstandings Freshfield carelessly translates Greek ambar by 'amber': the word always means 'ambergris', a very different thing.
The Empress Zoe, joint ruler of the Empire in and a power behind the throne for a rather longer period, took a very special interest in the subject, as Michael Psellus makes clear. Her only occupation, to which she devoted all her efforts, was to blend perfumes and to make aromas, to invent or replicate or improve them. This helps the search engines to classify your site and rank it higher on the basis of the fact that it has a lot of links coming from designated vape blogs.
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Following multiple requests from our clients, our e-mail marketing team has worked hard over the past three months to bring you an e-mail list of ALL vape businesses around the world. We have combined all e-mail addresses from our vape shop databases, contacts, business cards from over 50 vape exhibitions, public domain, subscriber lists and other sources. Our entire mailing list has been scrubbed to weed out vape businesses that have gone out of business or changed their domain names to bring you a clean and verified mailing list of vape businesses around the world.
Then all you have to do is create a beautiful newsletter campaign and hit the send button. Our Vape Company E-Mail Mailing List has over 38, email addresses of brick-and-mortar vape shops, e-liquid wholesalers and distributors, online vape shops, e-liquid brands, vape event organisers, vape communities, vape magazines, vape reviewers and much more! Our team is constantly verifying and updating the Vape Company email list to bring you only the latest vape company leads.
B wz Wm I will create backlinks on my e-liquid and vape blogs built on very high authority domains. Z omxrz Bog Download your vape company emails The latest version of the vape company and vape store email list has been released. If you are already subscribed to the service, you should have received your download link.
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Would you like to start exploding your sales with a click of a button? Let us now share with you the secret sauce that has powered some of the biggest e-juice brands from around the world: The Global Vape Shop Email List! The spreadsheet comes with many tabs for different countries and each tab contains the vape shop contact details for that respective country.
The Global Vape Shop Database contains vape shop names, emails, websites, telephone numbers, locations and store addresses, social media links and much more! Our database has around 15, vape shops but this number is approximate because the vape shop numbers fluctuate following updates. Backlinks are similar to citations found in non-fiction books. They are references to your website, made by other websites that drive traffic to your online content. The more substantive and qualitative backlinks a website has the better search results your site will receive.
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