Section 1. Item 1. Search for New East-West Relations. In recent years, the world witnessed that dialogue has become the norm in U. The U. At the Malta meeting, the U. The United States showed further commitment to supporting perestroika; for instance, President Bush clearly expressed his support for conclusion of a U.
Then after several preliminary meetings by the Foreign Ministers, the first full-scale U. At the meeting, the two leaders reached agreement in a number of areas, including arms control and disarmament, regional conflicts, economic, scientific and cultural exchanges, and transnational issues, as signified by the signing of a joint statement on the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks START , a joint communique on Ethiopia, a U.
The U.S. Factor in Sino-Japanese Relations
Also, in light of changes in the international situation after the Malta summit, they exchanged views on the European situation, particularly on the reunification of Germany, the Soviet's economic situation, Lithuanian issue, and other regional issues. Overall, the United States and the Soviet Union have been making significant progress in developing their relations which are to be built upon the foundation of dialogue and cooperation established at the Malta summit. As discussed earlier, the U.
Similarly, negotiations on Conventional Forces in Europe CFE , have continued in Vienna since March , and are being finalized to reflect dramatic changes in Eastern Europe as well as the unification of Germany, toward the signing of a formal treaty prior to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe that is scheduled to be held by the end of Drastic changes in Eastern Europe that started in have renewed the possibility of reunification of East and West Germany which constituted a central issue in the postwar European division.
East Germany and the Soviet Union showed a negative response to the issue at the time of the fall of the Berlin Wall in November Having faced a subsequent massive exodus of East Germans to West Germany which persisted in , however, Premier Hans Modrow of East Germany announced in early February his support for reunification if a unified Germany was neutral. Then, the Soviet Union made its stand clear that the issue should be determined by the Germans, spurring moves toward unification.
Following the first free election in East Germany held on March 18, , and the establishment of a great coalition cabinet led by a conservative alliance, the two Germanys effectuated economic, currency, and social unions between them on July 1.
Also an offer was made on economic assistance to the Soviet Union. Clearly, these proposals were intended to send a message to the Soviet Union that the keeping of a unified Germany in NATO will contribute to peace and stability in Europe and will not in any way harm the Soviet Union's national security interests. Regarding the borders between a unified Germany and Poland, parliaments of East and West Germany passed a resolution that the existing borders would remain unaltered.
Then, rapid deterioration of the East German economy and other situations prompted the moving up of the unification schedule. As Eastern European nations abandoned, one after another, the single-party system dominated by the communists giving birth to non-communist governments in many of the countries through free elections, the communality of the ideology shared by the WTO nations disappeared. Then in the spring of , the Soviet Union agreed with Hungary and Czechoslovakia to withdraw its forces stationed in these countries by the end of June Poland announced its intention to start negotiations on the withdrawal of Soviet troops, and East Germany made its stand clear that a unified Germany would join NATO.
Under these circumstances, WTO, at its political advisory committee held in Moscow in June attended by the leaders of the member countries, adopted a declaration to "reappraise the nature and function of WTO and reorganize it as a treaty between equal sovereign states under democratic principles. As a result, -the military significance of WTO is already declining considerably.
In response to the new political and security environments in Europe, NATO started to review its role and function in While the military significance of WTO has declined considerably and NATO is redefining its relations with Eastern Europe through these processes, the London Declaration reaffirmed NATO's raisond'etre as an alliance to defend nations which share basic values such as freedom and democracy. At the same time, NATO has confirmed the continuation of its defense strategy founded upon both nuclear and conventional forces, while defining nuclear arms as "the last resort.
Under this setting, moves are under way in various forms to search for a new European order and new relations between European nations. In particular, the CSCE is assuming a greater importance as avenue for discussing issues related to the future of Europe. It adopted in the Helsinki Declaration including a statement approving, in principle, non-violation of postwar borders between European countries. Under this framework, progress was made in a wide range of areas, in particular; 1 European security including Conventional Forces in Europe CFE talks and Confidence and Security Building Measures CSBM the first basket ; 2 cooperation in economy, science and technology, and environment protection the second basket ;and 3 human rights and other areas the third basket.
As began, the participating nations, encouraged by the progress made thus far confirmed their agreement to conclude the CFE talks first and hold the CSCE summit meeting by the end of Also, in response to the Soviet Union's proposal to affirm in-creased roles of the CSCE in security aspects, proposals were made by various countries including West Germany and the U. Regarding the European Community EC , while preparation for market integration by the end of is going on, there have been moves for a political union beyond market unification.
While moves for the unification of the two Germanys have gathered momentum, the summit meeting between West Germany and France held in April issued a joint communique to promote the EC's political integration. Then, the European Council in June agreed to hold an intergovernmental conference on economic and currency integration and that on political integration in December In the meantime, the U.
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In addition, various moves emerged to look for regional cooperation within Europe, including cooperation of 5 countries in Middle Europe Italy, Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia , cooperation of 3 countries in Middle Europe Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary , and Balkan cooperation Turkey, Yugoslavia, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, and Albania.
Under these circumstances, the CSCE East-West Economic Conference participated in by government officials and businessmen from 35 member nations , held in Bonn from March to April , received much attention by adopting a final document which accepted market economy and private property system, as well as political pluralism, as common concepts for all participating nations including the Soviet Union and East European nations. While the economic restructuring of Eastern Europe by introducing a market economy primarily depends upon their self-help efforts, Western countries are expected to provide adequate support according to conditions peculiar to each country.
In this connection, the Conference on Nations Related to Support for Eastern Europe G , established on the basis of agreement at the Arch Summit in , coordinated assistance to Poland and Hungary and agreed in July to expand assistance to East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia. Japan has been actively involved in the assistance to Eastern Europe.
The EBRD is designed to support' East European nations which have pledged to adopt and have applied principles of democracy based on multi-party system, pluralism, and market economy and to promote their efforts to privatize state enterprises. In addition, having entered the s, there has been an increasing recognition that perestroika promoted by President Gorbachev - a policy to promote liberalization, democratization, and a shift to a market-oriented economy - would contribute greatly to further improvement of East-West relations as well as peace And stability of the whole world.
In the "Economic Declaration" of the Houston Summit, participating nations clearly stated methods of assisting the Soviet Union's reform, "We have all begun, individually and collectively, to assist these reform efforts. We believe that technical assistance should be provided now to help the Soviet Union move to a market-oriented economy and to mobilize its own resources," thereby setting forth a common understanding on the provision of technical assistance.
In this connection, Japan provided technical assistance to perestroika by receiving the Soviet Union's economic reform study mission in November and again in April On the other hand, the Soviet Union, suffering from a deteriorating economy, began to sound out the possibility of receiving financial assistance from the West. In response, some Western countries have begun studying the feasibility of such assistance. In particular, West Germany showed a positive reaction and decided to provide a government guarantee on loans worth 5 billion marks to be made by private banks to the Soviet Union in June.
Also, the EC decided, at the European Council held in June , to consider assistance, including short-term credit service and long-term support for structural reform, at the EC committee and to submit a proposal to the next meeting of the European Council. Financial assistance to the Soviet Union was a subject of vigorous discussion at the Houston Summit. Participating nations agreed in the" Economic Declaration," that "further Soviet decisions to introduce more radical steps toward a market-oriented economy, to shift resources substantially away from the military sector and to cut support to nations promoting regional conflict will all improve the prospect for meaningful and sustained economic assistance.
Regarding the roles of the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls COCOM in promoting the development of East-West economic relations at the 6th senior-level meeting held in Paris in June , the participating nations, while reconfirming an understanding that COCOM continued to play an important role in the security of the West, agreed to take the following measures to reflect recent changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe; 1 to prepare a "core list" by mid-December , in which items subject to COCOM rules are limited to highly strategic goods and technologies; 2 meanwhile, to delete one-third of the present industrial list and relax COCOM control over computers, machine tools, and communications to a significant degree; and 3 to apply favored status to some of the countries subject to COCOM rules referring presumably to Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia on condition that COCOM countries establish an effective export control system.
Item 2. Support for Democratization. Based on this spirit, the declaration reviewed movements toward democratization that took place in various parts of the world during the preceding year and listed possible support measures, which the participating nations would be ready to provide for nations which would choose the road to freedom and democracy, conducive to further progress of democratization in the future. Clearly, such declaration reflected major changes occurred in the Soviet Union and East European nations in the past one year, toward democratization of their political and economic systems.
As discussed earlier, East European nations ended, one after another as if by chain reaction, the system of single-party dominance and introduced the multi-party system in Then in , these nations held free elections, except for Poland which held a general election in the previous year. Along with such drastic reform of the political system, the nations introduced various measures to guarantee previously repressed political freedom and human rights. At the same time, economic reform measures were taken, according to conditions in each country, to make a shift from centrally planned economy to a market economy.
The Political Declaration at the Houston Summit welcomed "the profound and historic changes" the European continent as "the dawn of a new era. While the changes in the Soviet Union's posture are believed to be a major factor behind the changes in Eastern Europe, it is possible to think that the repercussions of changes in Eastern Europe were felt and even enhanced the democratization process in the Soviet Union itself.
It was evidenced in the moves in the Soviet Union, after drastic changes in East European nations starting in the simmer of , it was at the CPSU Central Committee Plenum in February , where a proposal was made to delete the provision on the leadership of the Communist Party from the Constitution, opening the way to the multi-party system.
Then, the Congress of People's Deputies held in March decided to remove the provision from the Constitution and to introduce a presidential system, thereby accelerating the shift of power from the Communist Party to the state organ. Similarly, a certain improvement was made in human rights including the freedom of departure from the country; the Soviet Union took a positive stand at the Human Rights Conference of CSCE demonstrating that the country was making changes in this area. In the economic area, the Soviet Union took the first step to introduce the market economy principle including the expansion of private property rights, and a comprehensive program is being developed by the government and the Supreme Soviet.
At the same time, the Soviet Union differs from Eastern Europe in that it accomplished the revolution in by themselves and established a year history of socialism since then. Because of such backgrounds, the Soviet Union did not undergo the same dramatic changes that rocked East European nations where the governments were toppled by citizens; rather the Soviet reform has so far been made in the form of top-down approach.
It is not clear in what form the multi-party system would be realized. All in all, the Soviet Union has just "embarked on the long journey" toward democratization, as mentioned in the London Declaration of the NATO summit meeting. Nonetheless, none would dispute the significance of the Soviet Union, one of the superpowers which dominated the postwar East-West confrontation, moving toward an open society, pluralistic democracy, and market-oriented economy.
Naturally, the growth of democracy was not limited to Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. In the latter half of the s, it was widespread in Asia, Central and South America, and Africa, some of which appeared to be affected by the moves in the Soviet Union and East European nations. Several African nations abandoned the single-party system and Nepal accomplished democratization following rising demands from among the people; the changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe had some impact in these cases.
However, it is clear that, the move toward democracy did not start in Eastern Europe, if one notes how President Corazon Aquino of the Philippines came into power.
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Such a global movement for democracy was another important development in the backdrop of the Political Declaration at the Houston Economic Summit. Moves for democracy seen in various parts of the world in the past year are outlined as follows. Of Asian countries, the movement for democracy started in Mongolia toward the end of , leading to a change of leadership in March , and a free election under the multi-party system in July.
In the meantime, Nepal, which had been a monarchy without political parties, came to allow activities by political parties, and a caretaker cabinet was organized by party leaders. At present, preparation is underway for the establishment of a new constitution and the holding of a general election. In Myanmar, general elections under the multi-party system, as had been promised by the present regime, were held in May However, it is still uncertain when the present administration will turn over the reins of the government. In Central and South America, democracy has been established inmost of the countries as military regimes which prevailed in the s and s have disappeared through free elections and have been taken over by civil administrations.
In Chile, Mr. Patricio Aylwin won a presidential election held in December putting an end to the military regime under General Pinochet who was in power for over 16years. Then at a presidential election in Nicaragua held in February , Ms. In Haiti too, the military regime collapsed and a presidential election is scheduled for this fall. In Panama, the Endara administration, which was established after the exercise of military power by the U. In Africa, most notable was the long-awaited independence of Namibia, where an election for a constituent assembly was held and the assembly adopted a constitution under parliamentary democracy.
In South Africa, some measures have been taken to revise apartheid policy under the de Klerk Government established in September In February , Mr. Nelson Mandela was released after 28 years in jail, and in June, the state of emergency was lifted throughout the country except for the Province of Natal. Thus, the South African Government is seeking a way to abolish apartheid and construct a democratic society without racial discrimination through a peaceful process. A shift from a single party system to a multi-party system has also been made in Ivory Coast, Zaire, Gabon, etc.
The worldwide democratization trend, as summarized in the foregoing section, is considered basically as part of mankind's long history of respecting individual human rights in a greater degree as time goes by. The movements for democratization are not new of course: the international community has come a long way in the respect of human rights in various forms.
Thus, the transformation in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in and , as well as the moves for democracy in other parts of the world, should be understood in this context, as phenomena linked to structural changes of the international community as a whole. When we talk about "democratization," it should be noted that the word lacks a definition agreed upon in the international community as correctly conveying its meaning.
Namely, "democratization" referred to in industrialized democracies, or more recently in some Eastern countries, normally covers a wider spectrum of aspects ranging from political freedom and the respecting of human rights, to economic freedom and market-oriented economy, not to mention political and administrative institutions such as a free election under multi-party system. In this sense, it is interesting to see that the CSCE process has emphasized the importance and made progress in cooperation in economy, science and technology, and environment the second basket and human rights issues the third basket , in addition to security of Europe the first basket.
In , it will be held in Moscow. In this tide of democratization, the international community's concern about the issue including human rights is expected to further heighten in the future. In the future, there may be more cases in which the international community or industrialized democracies are called upon to act together against "nations suppressing human rights," etc.
In fact, human rights have been increasingly taken up as a matter of international concern at the United Nations and multilateral meetings. Undoubtedly, each country or region has its own historical, economic and social backgrounds, as well as natural features, and no country shall be forced to adopt democracy in whatever form; the choice for democracy or freedom in a country primarily rests with the people.
In particular, adequate consideration should be given to the fact, that as history shows rapid democratization often brings about instability in a country or area which has a relatively short period of tradition or experience in civil society and democracy as a foundation of its order. Also, some countries would want to fight poverty before democracy. On the other hand, if the people of a country want democracy and the country requests support to overcome instability during the transition period, it is important that major democracies provide the necessary support.
The "Political Declaration" of the Houston Summit stated that each participating country of the summit "stands ready to help in practical ways those countries that choose freedom, through the provision of constitutional, legal and economic know-how and through economic assistance, as appropriate. In this connection, Japan, which celebrates the th anniversary of its constitutional government in , has a history of having to overcome a number of difficulties and challenges in establishing democracy. Such experiences of Japan could provide valuable guidance for democratization efforts by countries with relatively a short history of democracy.
Thus, it is important for Japan to play a part due its experience and position to support the global movement for democracy. Item 3. Prevention and Settlement of Regional Conflicts. Regional conflicts are rooted in backgrounds and causes peculiar to each region. Conflicts escalate often because interests and intentions of large countries and the power relationship between the East and West are entangled in a complicated manner.
Some regional conflicts were sparked by the advance of the Soviet Union into the Third World in the late s. Thus, as East-West ideological confrontation sub-sides, ideology inspired regional conflicts are expected to decrease. It is expected that the improvement of U. Cases in point are the agreement made on the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, the independence of Namibia, and peace in Nicaragua. The role of the United Nations in the settlement of regional conflicts has also been reinforced partly due to cooperative relations developing between the U. A typical example is the U. Security Council's adoption of sanctions against Iraq for invading Kuwait, which vas made on the basis of Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter for the first time in 22 years.
Also worthy of attention, is the role the United Nations played regarding independence in Namibia and the achievement of peace in Nicaragua. Despite the favorable changes, it is undeniable that any regional conflict is deeply rooted in historical, ethnic, religious, and or social factors peculiar to the region. A complete solution, therefore, cannot be expected unless these factors are effectively dealt with.
And the danger of new regional conflicts arising due to such factors shows no sign of lessening. The past year saw various regional conflicts erupt, including the escalation of the Kashmir issue and Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. Japan has been making active contributions regarding regional problems in the world, as part of "cooperation for peace" initiatives. Japanese contributions include support for the U. Secretary-General in his peace-making efforts in the Iran-Iraq conflict, and the sponsoring of "Tokyo Conference" on the Cambodian problem, as well as cooperation for the U.
In particular, Japan's PKO cooperation extended beyond fund contribution to the provision of personnel. Following the dispatching of political officers to the U. Afghanistan, Pakistan Arbitration Mission, and to the U. Iran-Iraq Military Surveillance Group, Japan sent a team of 27 election surveillance personnel and 4 supporting staffers to the U. Namibia Independence Support Group to oversee the election of the constituent assembly in Namibia November , and 6 election surveillance personnel and 4 supporting staffers to the U. Nicaragua Election Surveillance Group responsible for overseeing a general election in Nicaragua February Tension continues on the Korean Peninsula due to confrontation of large-scale military forces of North and South along the demilitarized zone.
North Korea is party to a treaty on friendship, cooperation, and mutual assistance with the Soviet Union and China, and has modernized its armed forces under the Soviet's military assistance since when President Kim II Sung visited the Soviet Union for the first time in 23 years. It remains to be seen how the country develops its relations with the Soviet Union and China in the future. On the other. The Chinese and Japanese think in their own ways, informed by their historical experiences and social environments.
Their mindsets and calculations are comprehensible if people pay attention. There are real clashes of material interests, even if they are filtered socially. It is the complex interaction between material and ideational forces that truly matters. China and Japan had no diplomatic relations from to After the diplomatic relationship was normalized in , the two countries had sometimes contentious yet stable and expanding ties for the next two decades. It was anchored in strategic calculations against the Soviet Union. Japan wanted access to the Chinese market and supplies of raw materials, and after it offered economic assistance in exchange.
At that time, China accepted that deal with its reform and opening initiative. A generation of influential Chinese and Japanese individuals made this system work through both sincerity and manipulation. The international standings of China and Japan were now drastically different; China had been isolated by the West, and Japan had emerged as an economic superpower. Tokyo tried to restructure its relations with Beijing based on a strong desire to end the need to apologize for the past.
The Japanese viewed this focus on historical understanding as a special feature of the bilateral relationship, one that was biased against them. The Chinese view historical understanding as the very foundation of the bilateral relationship. The Chinese government began to promote nationalism in the early s.
Initially, this decision was not intended as a condemnation of Japan; however, any effort to promote nationalism in China inevitably led to Japan being targeted, because the Chinese Communist Party ties its legitimacy to its struggle against Japanese aggression. Sino-Japanese relations began a slow but sure downward trend in the late s, yet the two governments basically managed to maintain bilateral relations.
The two countries entered a period of high tension between and The Chinese and Koreans object to prime ministerial visits to Yasukuni Shrine because it enshrines the names of Class A war criminals. Both countries view these official visits as evidence that the Japanese government no longer repents for its past aggression and invasions of Asia. He wanted to restructure the Sino-Japanese relationship in a way that was not acceptable to Beijing. All meaningful government-to-government exchange froze, particularly on the top level.
Yet economic exchange continued to expand. He was strong-willed and popular in Japan. Yet there was a generational change in the country. In Japan, right-wing views were gradually moving into the mainstream. The Sino-Japanese relationship improved in —10 during the term of the next prime minister, Abe Shinzo.
Abe visited quickly to patch things up. He served only for a year. Fukuda Yasuo, then Aso Taro, succeeded Abe as prime ministers, each serving for about a year. The two governments reached a general understanding on the dispute on the overlapping exclusive economic zones in the East China Sea. However, apparently due to strong domestic criticism, Hu backed away from proceeding with a binding agreement on the East China Sea.
If the analogies followed their natural course, the two countries would end up in icy winter again. The thorny, unresolved issues were festering. The foundations for the bilateral relationship had shifted. There was a generational change. Public opinion in both countries was tough on any perceived compromise, and the bruising diplomatic fights had weakened the position of the moderates in both countries. It then matched the percentage of no affinity in Public sentiment was largely negative in , and continued to worsen; in , There are no similar tracking polls on the Chinese side, but other polls reveal a similarly negative Chinese view of Japan.
Initially, I believed that the Sino-Japanese relationship would continue to be more or less stable for a few more years. It appeared to me that both sides had learned a lesson from the relationship management from the past decade. On several occasions, one side was more conciliatory, which the other side mistakenly interpreted as proof of success of its own hardline response. This was an accident waiting to happen. The DPJ government was more conciliatory than the LDP government over the historical apology issue, but took a strong position on the territorial dispute with China.
This dispute had emerged as the biggest challenge to the bilateral relationship in the post-Koizumi days.
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Living in Tokyo at the time, at first I did not expect the collision incident to become a crisis. The DPJ was scheduled to have its party presidential election on September Kan Naoto, the sitting party president and prime minister, had held his prime ministerial position for only three months. He was challenged by a powerful politician, Ozawa Ichiro. Kan won the party election in the end, yet the DPJ lost in the larger scheme of things.
The DPJ government decided to try the Chinese captain according to the domestic law. Acting out of anger, the Chinese government adopted a series of punitive measures, including suspension of official dialogues and exports of rare earth metals. The Chinese captain was released on September The Chinese fishing boat collision incident was a landmark event.
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Since then, the Sino-Japanese relationship has been drastically different from before. The Chinese sent in government boats to regularly patrol the areas. The situation became very tense. Abe Shinzo came back as prime minister. This time around, he took a decisively different approach from his stint in Japan stands out as a unique case due to the fact that Japanese domestic and foreign policies have both undergone fundamental shifts. Professor Soeya further noted that, although Japan has adjusted its diplomacy according to the external environment, two fundamental elements of Japanese foreign policy, namely the peace constitution and the US-Japan security alliance, remain unchanged.
The presenter then argued that, in the s, Japanese foreign policy adjustments were guided by the principle of internationalism, including participation in UN peacekeeping operations, conscientious handling of history problems, the promotion of multilateral regional cooperation, and reconfirmation of the US-Japan alliance. According to Professor Soeya, history constitutes one of the most important sources of division between Japan and the Koreas and China.
The presenter then talked about four different positions on post-war diplomacy: the Yoshida line, the Abe line, Pacifism and autonomy. One member of the audience raised a question about the implications of recent changes in the Korean Peninsula on Japanese foreign policy.
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However, he argued that there has been changes in terms of approaches to deal with the Korean Peninsula issue, and that Japan is becoming increasingly open to negotiations this year.